{"id":9881,"date":"2022-04-20T09:21:26","date_gmt":"2022-04-20T09:21:26","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/?p=9881"},"modified":"2022-04-20T09:21:26","modified_gmt":"2022-04-20T09:21:26","slug":"realizmi-i-pameshirshem-i-putinit","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/2022\/04\/20\/realizmi-i-pameshirshem-i-putinit\/","title":{"rendered":"Realizmi i pam\u00ebshirsh\u00ebm i Putinit"},"content":{"rendered":"

Sjellja gjakatare dhe ilegjitime e Rusis\u00eb nuk diktohet nga iracionaliteti: i korrespondon racionalitetit t\u00eb fuqive t\u00eb m\u00ebdha. Nj\u00eb dimension q\u00eb ka pak t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me kategorit\u00eb e etik\u00ebs dhe demokracis\u00eb.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Lufta n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb dram\u00eb q\u00eb na p\u00ebrfshin ne t\u00eb gjith\u00ebve dhe t\u00eb gjithave. Vdekje tragjike, t\u00eb pafajsh\u00ebm t\u00eb vrar\u00eb dhe si n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha luft\u00ebrat jan\u00eb civil\u00ebt ata q\u00eb paguajn\u00eb \u00e7mimin m\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb. \u00a0Midis t\u00eb plagosurve fatkeq\u00ebsisht num\u00ebrohet edhe demokracia jon\u00eb n\u00ebse nj\u00eb parti q\u00eb quhet demokratike sulmon nj\u00eb gazetar fajtor se ka b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb analiz\u00eb \u2013 p\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr e ndar\u00eb nga shumica e specialist\u00ebve t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. \u00a0Si gjat\u00eb \u00e7do konflikti, \u00ebsht\u00eb kaluar nga modaliteti propagand\u00eb, ku b\u00ebrja e nj\u00eb ar\u00ebsyetimi menj\u00ebher\u00eb heshtet nga bashk\u00ebjetesa me armikun. Megjithat\u00eb, k\u00ebto ar\u00ebsyetime duhet b\u00ebr\u00eb. Ka kuptim t\u00eb flitet p\u00ebr ekspansionizom NATO gjat\u00eb nj\u00eb lufte t\u00eb shp\u00ebrthyer nga Rusia? \u00a0Un\u00eb mendoj se po, sigurisht jo p\u00ebr t\u00eb justifikuar Putinin dhe aq m\u00eb pak p\u00ebr t\u2019i shpjeguar aksionet, por p\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar kontekstin.<\/p>\n

Mjafton t\u00eb lexohen gazetat p\u00ebr t\u00eb par\u00eb sesi nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e mir\u00eb e propagand\u00ebs ton\u00eb \u2013 nuk m\u00eb vjen nj\u00eb term tjet\u00ebr m\u00eb i p\u00ebrshtatsh\u00ebm \u2013 ka nd\u00ebrmend ta paraqes\u00eb presidentin rus si nj\u00eb t\u00eb ekzaltuar t\u00eb paparashikuehsm\u00eb q\u00eb nuk ar\u00ebsyeton si ne, thuajse nj\u00eb alien. \u00a0Megjithat, prej rrezikut t\u00eb reagimit rus p\u00ebrball\u00eb nj\u00eb ardhjeje t\u00eb Aleanc\u00ebs Atlantike\u00a0 n\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn passovjetike dhe sidomos n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb, flitej qysh nga vitet \u201890. \u00a0M\u00eb 1992, Andrei Kozyrev, minist\u00ebr i Jasht\u00ebm i Jelcinit dhe ka mund\u00ebsi m\u00eb proper\u00ebndimori midis \u00abdemokrat\u00ebve\u00bb dhe \u00abliberal\u00ebve\u00bb at\u00ebhere shum\u00eb t\u00eb vler\u00ebsuar nga Shtetet e Bashkuara, arriti tha se sikur q\u00ebndrimi sfidues i Per\u00ebndimit t\u00eb\u00a0 ishte i vazhduesh\u00ebm, at\u00ebhere rezultatet do t\u00eb ishin katastrofike: fundi i liberalizmit n\u00eb Rusi, fundi i bashk\u00ebpunimit dhe, s\u00eb fundi, i p\u00ebrplasjes.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb 1997 George Kennan, eksperti m\u00eb i madh i Rusis\u00eb dhe i Bashkimit Sovjetik n\u00eb Departamentin e Dhtetit, e d\u00ebnoi zgjerimin e NATO si \u00abgabim tragjik\u00bb, duke e p\u00ebrshkruar si nj\u00eb self-fulfilling prophecy<\/em> klasike \u2013 nj\u00eb profeci q\u00eb do t\u00eb vet\u00ebv\u00ebrtetohet:\u00a0 zgjerimi do ta shkaktonte her\u00ebt a von\u00eb nj\u00eb reagim rus, q\u00eb do t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorej p\u00ebr t\u00eb justifikuar ex-post zgjerimin. Fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr fjal\u00eb, i paraprin\u00eb asaj q\u00eb do t\u00eb thoshte i parashikueshmi Enrico Letta 24 vite m\u00eb pas. \u00a0P\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket Ukrain\u00ebs, m\u00eb 2014 Henry Kissinger theksonte se zgjidhja e vetme ishte neutraliteti i Kievit dhe John Mearsheimer, nj\u00eb prej akademik\u00ebve m\u00eb autoritar\u00eb t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, n\u00eb nj\u00eb video t\u00eb 2015 q\u00eb po b\u00ebn buj\u00eb n\u00eb rrjet, paralajm\u00ebronte sakt\u00ebsisht at\u00eb q\u00eb po ndodh gjat\u00eb k\u00ebtyre dit\u00ebve n\u00eb rast se nuk zgjidhej situata ukrainase n\u00eb konsiderat\u00eb t\u00eb disa k\u00ebrkesave t\u00eb Mosk\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Mund t\u00eb vazhdojm\u00eb, por do t\u00eb ishin p\u00ebrs\u00ebritje t\u00eb kota. Cili \u00ebsht\u00eb problemi? \u00a0Sigurisht q\u00eb jo justifikimi i veprimit rus. Kur p\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr q\u00eb kjo sjellje fatkeq\u00ebsisht nuk katalogohet si iracionale. P\u00ebrkundrazi, \u00ebsht\u00eb racionalizmi, sjellje klasike e nj\u00eb fuqie t\u00eb madhe apo q\u00eb konsiderohet e till\u00eb. N\u00eb teorin\u00eb realiste t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare shtetet shtyhen in primis nga logjika mbijetese dhe, kur ndjehen t\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnuar, tentojn\u00eb t\u00eb reagojn\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb ngjashme dhe, p\u00ebr pasoj\u00eb, t\u00eb parashikueshme. Ve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj, shtetet m\u00eb t\u00eb fuqishme preferojn\u00eb t\u00eb ken\u00eb nj\u00eb zon\u00eb influence p\u00ebrreth kufijve t\u00eb tyre p\u00ebr ta rritur sigurin\u00eb dhe pushtetin e tyre. \u00a0N\u00eb thelb, \u00ebsht\u00eb kjo logjika e Doktrin\u00ebs Monroe, si\u00e7 ka kujtuar koh\u00ebt e fundit edhe Bernie Sanders, dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe logjika e Jalt\u00ebs: nj\u00eb kompromis i bazuar mbi zona influence stabilizon konkurrenc\u00ebn midis shteteve, redukton paqart\u00ebsin\u00eb dhe, p\u00ebr pasoj\u00eb, rastet e p\u00ebrplasjes.<\/p>\n

Duke adoptuar k\u00ebshtu nj\u00eb vizion q\u00eb e sheh politik\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare si konkurrenc\u00eb midis shteteve, ka qen\u00eb e leht\u00eb t\u00eb parashikohej ajo q\u00eb do t\u00eb ndodhte: fundi i Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb ka b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb kolapsohej sistemi i siguris\u00eb europiane dhe, n\u00eb nj\u00eb mas\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb vog\u00ebl, bot\u00ebror; \u00a0dob\u00ebsia ekstreme e Rusis\u00eb n\u00eb vitet \u201990 ka lejuar nj\u00eb ekspansion t\u00eb NATO drejt Lindjes q\u00eb i p\u00ebrgjigjej logjikave realiste klasike \u2013 nj\u00eb rritje e pozicionit t\u00eb saj vis-a-vis<\/em> nj\u00eb rivali\/armiku dhe nj avantazh strategjik n\u00eb skakier\u00ebn europiane. \u00a0Por kjo ka \u00e7uar n\u00eb nj\u00eb situat\u00eb t\u00eb paq\u00ebndrueshme, pasi arkitektura e siguris\u00eb europiane \u00ebsht\u00eb rind\u00ebrtuar unilateralisht, duke v\u00ebn\u00eb p\u00ebr pasoj\u00eb n\u00eb rrezik interesat ruse. \u00a0N\u00eb k\u00ebto kontekste, dramatikisht vlen akoma maksima e Von Clausewtiz \u2013 lufta \u00ebsht\u00eb ndjekje e politik\u00ebs (nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare) me mjete t\u00eb tjera.<\/p>\n

Pra, n\u00ebse pranojm\u00eb se sjellja agresive e Rusis\u00eb, sado e p\u00ebrgjakshme dhe e paligjshme, \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo tipike e shteteve n\u00eb aren\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, si personalizimi kund\u00ebr Putinit, ashtu edhe retorika e luft\u00ebs midis demokracis\u00eb dhe diktatur\u00ebs q\u00eb d\u00ebgjojm\u00eb kaq shum\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebto dit\u00eb, automatikisht prishen. Kjo nuk na ndihmon t\u00eb kuptojm\u00eb dhe me t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb na v\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb pozicion t\u00eb pak\u00ebndsh\u00ebm \u2013 e mir\u00eb kundrejt s\u00eb keqes, tipike e nj\u00eb doktrine t\u00eb ndryshme n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, i ashtuquajturi internacionaliz\u00ebm liberal q\u00eb synon nxitjen e nj\u00eb rendi nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar t\u00eb bazuar n\u00eb parimet e demokracis\u00eb dhe liberalizmit dhe n\u00eb perspektiv\u00ebn e t\u00eb cilit pranimi i Ukrain\u00ebs n\u00eb NATO do t\u00eb ishte vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb zgjerim i fush\u00ebs demokratike n\u00eb respekt t\u00eb sovranitetit popullor. P\u00ebr fat t\u00eb keq, parimet e liberalizmit nuk jan\u00eb aq universale, por m\u00eb tep\u00ebr t\u00eb modeluara n\u00eb nevojat gjeopolitike t\u00eb p\u00ebrkrah\u00ebsve t\u00eb saj, ShBA, t\u00eb cilat p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye sillen si \u00e7do fuqi tjet\u00ebr “realiste”. Ka raste, t\u00eb tilla si situata aktuale n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb, n\u00eb t\u00eb cilat bombat e diktaturave kund\u00ebr shteteve sovrane duhet t\u00eb d\u00ebnohen dhe t\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtohen; dhe t\u00eb tjer\u00eb, po aq tema, si n\u00eb Jemenin e bombarduar nga Arabia Saudite, t\u00eb cilat nuk l\u00ebvizin as nd\u00ebrgjegjet dhe as sanksionet tona. Dhe nga ana tjet\u00ebr, ne jemi kaq t\u00eb v\u00ebmendsh\u00ebm ndaj demokracis\u00eb, saq\u00eb brenda NATO-s presim Turqin\u00eb; ose nuk e kemi problem t’i japim solidaritetin ton\u00eb Izraelit q\u00eb modifikon kufijt\u00eb me p\u00ebrdorimin e forc\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Nga nj\u00eb pik\u00ebpamje realiste, regjimi politik i Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara \u00ebsht\u00eb kryesisht i par\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm. Kombet udh\u00ebhiqen nga t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtat nevoja dhe veprimet e tyre u p\u00ebrgjigjen nxitjeve t\u00eb diktuara nga konteksti nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar. Shtat\u00ebdhjet\u00eb vjet luft\u00ebra, pushtime, ndryshime regjimi dhe masakra t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb sponsorizuara apo t\u00eb kryera drejtp\u00ebrs\u00ebdrejti nga fuqit\u00eb demokratike jan\u00eb, mjerisht, kund\u00ebr-prova m\u00eb e fort\u00eb se etika dhe demokracia kan\u00eb pak t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb me politik\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. N\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara, i ashtuquajturi interes komb\u00ebtar \u00ebsht\u00eb kryesisht bipartizan, rrall\u00eb subjekt i diskutimit t\u00eb gjer\u00eb publik dhe larg kontrollit t\u00eb opinionit publik \u2013 si\u00e7 do ta mbajn\u00eb mend ata q\u00eb mor\u00ebn pjes\u00eb n\u00eb l\u00ebvizjen e madhe t\u00eb paqes t\u00eb vitit 2003. As sistemi i kontrollit dhe balancimit, i munguar n\u00eb regjime autokratike t\u00eb tilla si Rusia, nuk e ka penguar efektivisht SHBA-n\u00eb nga rifutja e tortur\u00ebs n\u00eb Luft\u00ebn kund\u00ebr Terrorit.<\/p>\n

Pse t\u00eb flas\u00ebsh p\u00ebr gjith\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb? Ajo q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb me interes k\u00ebtu \u00ebsht\u00eb d\u00ebnimi i nj\u00eb sistemi. Sigurisht, nuk ka ekuivalenc\u00eb morale midis nj\u00eb regjimi autokratik dhe nj\u00eb demokracie, por duhet t\u00eb jemi t\u00eb vet\u00ebdijsh\u00ebm se kund\u00ebrshtimi ndaj luft\u00ebs mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtim ndaj sistemit q\u00eb e gjeneron at\u00eb. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo e logjik\u00ebs s\u00eb pushtetit midis Shteteve, n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn objektivat jan\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjta, dhe q\u00eb p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye \u00e7on, shpesh n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb pashmangshme, n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb lloj pasojash.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim, reagimi i Evrop\u00ebs ndaj kriz\u00ebs ukrainase \u00ebsht\u00eb, sipas mendimit tim, p\u00ebr t’u vler\u00ebsuar n\u00eb terma tejet negativ\u00eb. N\u00eb vend q\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsim q\u00eb shp\u00ebton jet\u00eb \u2013 dhe kjo n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb duhet t\u00eb ket\u00eb ndodhur para shp\u00ebrthimit t\u00eb armiq\u00ebsive; dhe n\u00eb vend t\u00eb nj\u00eb nisme diplomatike p\u00ebr t\u00eb rind\u00ebrtuar nj\u00eb paqe t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb, e drejta p\u00ebr p\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzim ka pasur p\u00ebr q\u00ebllim: sanksione shum\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnda, d\u00ebrgimin e arm\u00ebve, riarmatimin evropian. Ka nga ata q\u00eb p\u00ebrsh\u00ebndesin lindjen e nj\u00eb Europe t\u00eb re, por kjo Europ\u00eb e re lind n\u00eb opozit\u00eb dhe armiq\u00ebsi ndaj nj\u00eb aktori tjet\u00ebr gjeopolitik. Q\u00eb kjo Evrop\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e lindur \u201cp\u00ebr t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb luft\u00eb\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb pik\u00eb kthese shum\u00eb e keqe, t\u00eb cil\u00ebn kushtetuta jon\u00eb e kund\u00ebrshton. Cila \u00ebsht\u00eb pika e ofrimit t\u00eb Ukrain\u00ebs p\u00ebr t’u bashkuar me Bashkimin Evropian, si\u00e7 b\u00ebri Von Der Leyen? A \u00ebsht\u00eb ky nj\u00eb akt solidariteti me Ukrain\u00ebn apo nj\u00eb konfrontim me Rusin\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb mbi l\u00ebkur\u00ebn e ukrainasve t\u00eb pafajsh\u00ebm?<\/p>\n

Kryeministri italian Draghi n\u00eb fjalimin e tij p\u00ebrmend nj\u00eb studiues si Kagan i cili pretendon p\u00ebrjashtimin amerikan, p\u00ebrdorimin e forc\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb imponuar hegjemonin\u00eb amerikane dhe nj\u00eb konfrontim armiq\u00ebsor me Kin\u00ebn dhe Rusin\u00eb. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, retorika antiruse k\u00ebto dit\u00eb do nj\u00eb humbje t\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtarit, jo t\u00eb paqes \u2013 dhe ushqen pallavra t\u00eb turpshme reaksionare, t\u00eb tilla si k\u00ebrkesa p\u00ebr t\u2019i mbyllur goj\u00ebn Gergiev p\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb drejtoj\u00eb n\u00eb La Scala, ose anullimin e nj\u00eb kursi mbi Dostoevsky n\u00eb Universitetin Bicocca dhe n\u00eb Mbret\u00ebrin\u00eb e Bashkuar, Kier Stamer k\u00ebrc\u00ebnon t\u00eb p\u00ebrjashtoj\u00eb nga puna k\u00ebdo q\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqet t\u00eb kritikoj\u00eb NATO n\u00eb lidhje me ngjarjet e k\u00ebtyre dit\u00ebve.<\/p>\n

Pik\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye \u00ebsht\u00eb thelb\u00ebsore q\u00eb d\u00ebnimi i qart\u00eb i veprimeve ruse t\u00eb mos ngat\u00ebrrohet me at\u00eb t\u00eb atyre q\u00eb nuk jan\u00eb aq t\u00eb interesuar n\u00eb fund t\u00eb armiq\u00ebsive, por n\u00eb mbylljen e llogarive nj\u00eb her\u00eb e p\u00ebrgjithmon\u00eb me Mosk\u00ebn; me ata q\u00eb mb\u00ebshtesin nj\u00eb aleanc\u00eb ushtarake q\u00eb vendos raketa pothuajse kudo dhe, p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye, ka shum\u00eb pak mbrojtje. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim, komunikata e shum\u00eb kritikuar ANPI, e shkruar para pushtimit rus, e cila distancohet nga synimet ekspansioniste per\u00ebndimore \u00ebsht\u00eb, n\u00eb fakt, nj\u00eb pik\u00ebnisje e shk\u00eblqyer. E majta, ose ajo q\u00eb mbetet prej saj, nuk mund t\u00eb bjer\u00eb, p\u00ebrs\u00ebri, n\u00eb gabimin e b\u00ebr\u00eb n\u00eb vitin 1914 kur p\u00ebrball\u00eb luft\u00ebs midis fuqive b\u00ebri q\u00eb ndjenja komb\u00ebtare t\u00eb mbizot\u00ebronte mbi solidaritetin midis popujve dhe pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve. Ishte vet\u00eb Lenini ai q\u00eb e denoncoi k\u00ebt\u00eb logjik\u00eb: “Pyetja: cili grup realizoi goditjen e par\u00eb ushtarake ose i pari shpalli luft\u00eb nuk ka r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi n\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktimin e taktikave t\u00eb socialist\u00ebve. Shprehjet n\u00eb mbrojtje t\u00eb atdheut, n\u00eb rezistenc\u00ebn ndaj pushtimit t\u00eb armikut, n\u00eb luft\u00ebn mbrojt\u00ebse etj., jan\u00eb, n\u00eb t\u00eb dy an\u00ebt, t\u00eb gjitha mashtrime p\u00ebr popullin”. Fjal\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb cilat, sot m\u00eb shum\u00eb se kurr\u00eb, duhet t\u00eb reflektojm\u00eb.<\/p>\n

(Nicola Melloni merret me marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnien midis shtetit e tregut dhe midis ndryshimeve ekonomike dhe politike. Pas nj\u00eb PhD n\u00eb Oxford Universiyt ka dh\u00ebn\u00eb m\u00ebsim dhe ka k\u00ebrkuar n\u00eb Lond\u00ebr, Bolonj\u00eb dhe Toronto. Shkruan p\u00ebr Micromega dhe Il Mulino<\/em>)<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrgatiti<\/strong><\/p>\n

ARMIN TIRANA<\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Sjellja gjakatare dhe ilegjitime e Rusis\u00eb nuk diktohet nga iracionaliteti: i korrespondon racionalitetit t\u00eb fuqive t\u00eb m\u00ebdha. Nj\u00eb dimension q\u00eb ka pak t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me kategorit\u00eb e etik\u00ebs dhe demokracis\u00eb. Lufta n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb dram\u00eb q\u00eb na p\u00ebrfshin ne t\u00eb gjith\u00ebve dhe t\u00eb gjithave. Vdekje tragjike, t\u00eb pafajsh\u00ebm t\u00eb vrar\u00eb dhe si n\u00eb t\u00eb …<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":5640,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"om_disable_all_campaigns":false,"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[38],"tags":[],"aioseo_notices":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/9881"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=9881"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/9881\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/5640"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=9881"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=9881"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=9881"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}