{"id":9497,"date":"2022-04-15T10:05:51","date_gmt":"2022-04-15T10:05:51","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/?p=9497"},"modified":"2022-04-15T10:05:51","modified_gmt":"2022-04-15T10:05:51","slug":"nje-busull-per-te-mos-u-humbur-dhe-ripare","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/2022\/04\/15\/nje-busull-per-te-mos-u-humbur-dhe-ripare\/","title":{"rendered":"Nj\u00eb Busull p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos u humbur dhe ripar\u00eb"},"content":{"rendered":"

Pak duket se e kan\u00eb kuptuar q\u00eb m\u00eb 24 mars, me rastin e K\u00ebshillit Europian t\u00eb mbajtur n\u00eb Bruksel bashk\u00eb me drejtuesit e NATO dhe t\u00eb G-7, Bashkimi Europian ka li\u00e7encuar zyrtarist \u201cBusull\u00ebn Strategjike\u201d (Strategic Compass<\/em>) e tij. Dokumenti ishte njoftuar qysh dy vite m\u00eb par\u00eb dhe m\u00eb pas u p\u00ebrgatit me nj\u00eb seri konsultimesh t\u00eb brendshme n\u00eb institucione dhe me 27 vendet an\u00ebtare. Objektivi ishte q\u00eb t\u00eb rishikohej, n\u00eb mos t\u00eb azhurnohej, \u201cStrategjia Globale\u201d e 2016 dhe t\u00eb rikalibronte objektivat e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e siguris\u00eb e t\u00eb mbrojtjes. Skadenca e parashikuar, deri n\u00eb marsin e 2022, ishte e lidhur sidomos me kalendarin politik t\u00eb Franc\u00ebs, presidente e radh\u00ebs s Bashkimit Europian: m\u00eb 10 prill parashikohej faktikisht n\u00eb Paris raundi i par\u00eb i zgjedhjeve presidenciale, q\u00eb t\u00eb pasohen menj\u00ebher\u00eb nga rinovimi i Asambles\u00eb Komb\u00ebtare, duke z\u00ebn\u00eb k\u00ebshtu t\u00eb gjith\u00eb pjes\u00ebn e dyt\u00eb t\u00eb semestrit. Megjithat\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb legjitime t\u00eb pyetet n\u00ebse \u2013 n\u00eb drit\u00ebn e asaj q\u00eb po ndodh n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb dhe p\u00ebrreth \u2013 nuk do t\u00eb kishte qen\u00eb m\u00eb oportune t\u00eb shtyhej me disa muaj finalizimi i dokumentit, pesha \u201cstrategjike\u201d e t\u00eb cilit dhe indikacionet operative mund t\u00eb rezultojn\u00eb shpejt t\u00eb pap\u00ebrshtatshme apo t\u00eb tejkaluara nga ngjarjet.<\/p>\n

Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, edhe Global Strategy<\/em> i 6 viteve m\u00eb par\u00eb u paraqit nga P\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesja e Lart\u00eb dhe Z\u00ebvend\u00ebspresidentja e Komisionit Europian, Federica Mogherini, sakt\u00ebsisht t\u00eb nesr\u00ebmen e referendumit mbi Brexit: n\u00ebse analiza thelb\u00ebsore dhe shum\u00eb prej indikacioneve q\u00eb Strategjia e re p\u00ebrmban kishin nj\u00eb vlefshm\u00ebri q\u00eb ishte jasht\u00eb nga shoku i Brexit, nuk ka dyshim q\u00eb Bashkimi Europian ku do t\u00eb vihej m\u00eb pas n\u00eb pun\u00eb kishte ndryshuar n\u00eb vet\u00eb momentin e botimit. Nga ana e saj, Strategjia Europiane e Siguris\u00eb e 2003 \u2013 dokumenti i par\u00eb i k\u00ebtij lloji i p\u00ebrpunuar nga Bashkimi Europian \u2013 ishte p\u00ebrgatitur n\u00eb reagim dhe n\u00eb vazhd\u00ebn e p\u00ebr\u00e7arjeve transatlantike dhe intraeuropiane mbi luft\u00ebn n\u00eb Irak; shprehja me t\u00eb cil\u00ebn hapej (\u201ckurr\u00eb Europa nuk ka qen\u00eb kaq e begat\u00eb, kaq e sigurt\u00eb dhe kaq e lir\u00eb\u201d) ndihmon nga ana tjet\u00ebr q\u00eb t\u00eb na kujtoj\u00eb sesa koh\u00eb \u201cstrategjike\u201d ka kaluar qysh at\u00ebhere.<\/p>\n

Proces dhe produkt<\/strong><\/p>\n

Natyrisht, teksti i \u201cBusull\u00ebs\u201d s\u00eb re ndjen kontekstin n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrgatitur dhe finalizuar. Sidomos e ndjen nga pik\u00ebpamja \u201csasiore\u201d si t\u00eb thuash: b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb faktikisht p\u00ebr nj\u00eb dokument shum\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb (jan\u00eb 45 faqe), thuajse dyfishi i boc\u00ebs q\u00eb kishte qarkulluar n\u00ebntorin e kaluar \u2013 shenj\u00eb q\u00eb lufta n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb ka sjell\u00eb nj\u00eb rishikim t\u00eb kuptuesh\u00ebm dhe t\u00eb uruesh\u00ebm t\u00eb tekstit t\u00eb m\u00ebparsh\u00ebm, por fatkeq\u00ebsisht jo nj\u00eb p\u00ebrzgjehdje po aq e nevojshme e p\u00ebrmbajtjeve dhe e prioriteteve. Kjo kishte ndodhur vet\u00ebm minimalisht me Strategjin\u00eb e 2003 (e hartuar nga nj\u00eb team<\/em> shum\u00eb i kufizuar ekspert\u00ebsh rreth P\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesit t\u00eb Lart\u00eb t\u00eb at\u00ebhersh\u00ebm, Javier Solana), por tashm\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb dukshme me at\u00eb t\u00eb 2016, sidomos pasi q\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesit e kryeqyteteve qen\u00eb p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb m\u00eb direkte, n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet t\u00eb ashtuquajturave \u201crr\u00ebfyesore\u201d. Pra ekziston nj\u00eb korrelacion i drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb midis numrit aktor\u00ebve t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb n\u00eb procesin e hartimit dhe gjat\u00ebsin\u00eb (dometh\u00ebn\u00eb edhe t\u00eb komunikueshm\u00ebris\u00eb) t\u00eb tekstit final: nj\u00eb p\u00ebrfshirje m\u00eb e madhe e procesit implikon p\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr nj\u00eb efikasitet m\u00eb t\u00eb vog\u00ebl t\u00eb produktit. Aq sa n\u00eb 2016, aq n\u00eb 2022, p\u00ebr shembull, seksione t\u00eb caktuara mbi k\u00ebrcine dhe mund\u00ebsi rajon p\u00ebr rajon apo mbi partneritete t\u00eb jashtme ka mund\u00ebsi ka ndikuar e ashtuquajtura metodologji e \u201cpem\u00ebs s\u00eb Krishtlindjeve\u201d \u2013 p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebn, me k\u00ebrkes\u00ebn e konsultuarve, shtohet, por pa i hequr kurr\u00eb, duke e r\u00ebnduar tekstin me lista t\u00eb gjata q\u00eb hollojn\u00eb mesazhet thelv\u00ebsore \u2013 dhe do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb reduktoheshin ndjesh\u00ebm, ndoshta duke shtyr\u00eb n\u00eb strategji m\u00eb specifike dhe t\u00eb sh\u00ebnjestruara.<\/p>\n

Busulla e 2022 \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrgatitur m\u00eb par\u00eb n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet nj\u00eb analize t\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimeve, besuar nj\u00ebsive t\u00eb inteligjenc\u00ebs s\u00eb K\u00ebshillit Europian dhe e p\u00ebrfunduar qysh n\u00eb n\u00ebntorin e 2020, pastaj nj\u00eb team<\/em> i bazuar pran\u00eb Sh\u00ebrbimit Europian t\u00eb Veprimit t\u00eb Jasht\u00ebm (SEAE) dhe n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet mbledhjeve t\u00eb rregullta t\u00eb Politico-Military Group<\/em> (PMG, q\u00eb mbledh p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesit e t\u00eb 27), me nj\u00eb rishikim p\u00ebrfundimtar nga ana e leadership<\/em> t\u00eb SEAE, p\u00ebrfshi P\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesin e Lart\u00eb Josep Borrell. N\u00eb ndryshim nga sa ka ndodhur m\u00eb 2016, t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn Busulla \u00ebsht\u00eb \u201cendorsed<\/em>\u201d nga K\u00ebshilli Europian, duke i b\u00ebr\u00eb k\u00ebshtu nj\u00eb dokument zyrtar dhe, n\u00eb nj\u00eb far\u00eb mase, detyrues.<\/p>\n

Harta <\/strong><\/p>\n

Por presioni i ngjarjeve t\u00eb jashtme \u00ebsht\u00eb pasqyruar edhe mbi p\u00ebrmbajtet e v\u00ebrteta t\u00eb dokumentit, q\u00eb hapet me konstatimin e \u201crikthimit t\u00eb luft\u00ebs n\u00eb Europ\u00eb\u201d, e quajtur \u201cnj\u00eb spostim tektonik n\u00eb historin\u00eb europiane\u201d. Analiza q\u00eb pason evidenton konkurrenc\u00ebn strategjike n\u00eb rritje n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, me nj\u00eb rikthim n\u00eb politik\u00ebn e forc\u00ebs (q\u00eb p\u00ebrkthehet edhe n\u00eb rivendikimin e t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb supozuara \u201chistorike\u201d dhe t\u00eb sferave t\u00eb influenc\u00ebs) dhe n\u00eb nj\u00eb konkurrenc\u00eb sistemike (shoq\u00ebruar nga nj\u00eb \u201cbattle of narratives<\/em>\u201d t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb) q\u00eb bashk\u00ebekzistojn\u00eb me nj\u00eb nd\u00ebrvar\u00ebsi ende m\u00eb t\u00eb sh\u00ebnuar, por gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb konfliktuale. Dhe n\u00ebse v\u00ebzhgimi p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilin soft power<\/em> gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb \u201cweaponized<\/em>\u201d do t\u00eb meritonte ndoshta nj\u00eb artikulim m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb (nuk ka qen\u00eb kjo pik\u00ebrisht nj\u00eb prej akuzave shpesh t\u00eb drejtuara Per\u00ebndimit?), analiza dhe hartimi i k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimeve t\u00eb reja (hibride, kibernetike, mjedisore dhe sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsore), e aktor\u00ebve t\u00eb rinj (shtet\u00ebror\u00eb dhe jo) dhe e \u201chap\u00ebsirave\u201d t\u00eb reja (dixhitale, detare, qiellore) q\u00eb kusht\u00ebzojn\u00eb sigurin\u00eb dhe stabilitetin e Europ\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb krejt\u00ebsisht bind\u00ebse.<\/p>\n

Pjesa kushtuar Rusis\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb qartazi e p\u00ebrq\u00ebndruar n\u00eb impaktin e saj t\u00eb fort\u00eb (dhe n\u00eb rritje duke filluar nga 2008) ndaj rendit europian, ama nuk ofron \u2013 dhe nuk mund t\u00eb ofroj\u00eb akoma \u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje p\u00ebrtej asaj q\u00eb Bashkimi Europian po b\u00ebn n\u00eb kriz\u00ebn n\u00eb vazhdim. Pjesa kushtuar Kin\u00ebs e rimerr vizionin, e paraqitur qysh nga 2019, e dimensionit t\u00eb trifisht\u00eb t\u00eb saj si partner<\/em>, konkurrent ekonomik dhe rivalit strategjik, por me nj\u00eb vet\u00ebdije m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb kandisjes n\u00eb rritje politike dhe ushtarake t\u00eb Pekinit (si\u00e7 edhe demonstrohet nga samiti i tendosur bilateral i t\u00eb premtes s\u00eb kaluar n\u00eb Bruksel). Turqia analizohet m\u00eb vete, me nj\u00eb qasje shum\u00eb pragmatike dhe pa asnj\u00eb referim ndaj perspektiv\u00ebs s\u00eb aderimit n\u00eb Bashkimin Europian. S\u00eb fundi, por jo prej r\u00ebnd\u00ebsis\u00eb, Busulla e thekson shum\u00eb m\u00eb tep\u00ebr sesa n\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn (edhe t\u00eb vonshme) centralitetin e bashk\u00ebpunimit dhe t\u00eb \u201ckomplementaritetit\u201d midis Bashkimit Europian dhe NATO, megjith\u00ebse e kataloguar akoma midis partneriteteve t\u00eb shumta multilaterale dhe rajonale t\u00eb Bashkimit Europian. E nj\u00ebjta vexata quaestio<\/em> e \u201cstrategic autonomy<\/em>\u201d europiane p\u00ebrballohet n\u00eb nj\u00eb pasazh t\u00eb vet\u00ebm (ku i urohet gjenerikisht nj\u00eb forcim) dhe n\u00eb lidhje me kapacitetin e Europ\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb punuar me partner<\/em> t\u00eb tjer\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb ruajtur interesat dhe vlerat e veta.<\/p>\n

Rruga <\/strong><\/p>\n

Aspekti sipas t\u00eb cilit Busulla dukjet ndoshta m\u00eb shum\u00eb e kusht\u00ebzuar nga paqart\u00ebsia e kriz\u00ebs n\u00eb zhvillim \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo e rrug\u00ebtimit p\u00ebr t\u2019u hequr: respektivisht dramacitetit t\u00eb luft\u00ebs dhe t\u00eb vet\u00eb kompleksitetit t\u00eb analiz\u00ebs q\u00eb propozon, Busulla ofron indikacione pune ose m\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithshme dhe n\u00eb rritje (m\u00eb shum\u00eb kapacitet, m\u00eb shum\u00eb reagueshm\u00ebri, m\u00eb shum\u00eb durim, m\u00eb shum\u00eb strategic foresight<\/em>) apo relativisht t\u00eb ndrojtura, edhe n\u00eb raport me ndryshimt politike tashm\u00eb n\u00eb zhvillim n\u00eb shum\u00eb prej vendeve an\u00ebtare. Impenjimi i vet\u00ebm v\u00ebrtet konkret, p\u00ebr shembull n\u00eb an\u00ebn e mbrojtjes, ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me krijimin e nj\u00eb \u201cRapid Deployment Capacity<\/em>\u201d q\u00eb do t\u2019i lejonte Bashkimit Europian t\u00eb dislokonte nj\u00eb forc\u00eb prej 5000 njer\u00ebzish tejet t\u00eb pajisur p\u00ebr operacine ushtarake n\u00eb mjedise jo t\u00eb lejuara. Ideja ishte formuluar nga Borrell qysh t\u00eb nes\u00ebrmen e t\u00ebrheqjes konfuze per\u00ebndimore nga Afganistani, disa muaj m\u00eb par\u00eb, dhe duksh\u00ebm q\u00eb ka merita; ama duhet kujtuar edhe se Bashkimi Europian ka krijuar qysh nga 2007 t\u00eb ashtuquajturit \u201cgrupe taktike\u201d (battlegroups<\/em>) \u2013 me funksione t\u00eb ngjashme, edhe pse me p\u00ebrmas\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb reduktuar \u2013 dhe deri m\u00eb tani nuk i ka p\u00ebrdorur kurr\u00eb. Edhe impenjimi p\u00ebr t\u00eb verifikuar rekursin eventual n\u00eb Nenin 44 e Traktatit t\u00eb Lisbon\u00ebs \u2013 q\u00eb parashikon mund\u00ebsin\u00eb t\u2019u besoj\u00eb misione specifike grupeve t\u00eb shteteve an\u00ebtare \u2013 nuk duket se b\u00ebn ndonj\u00eb diferenc\u00eb t\u00eb madhe, duke qen\u00eb se kjo gjith\u00ebsesi \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00ebnyra me t\u00eb cil\u00ebn jan\u00eb kryer t\u00eb gjitha misionet dhe operacionet (civile dhe ushtarake) t\u00eb drejtuara nga Bashkimi Europian.<\/p>\n

Pjesa m\u00eb e madhe e indikacioneve t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb ndodhura n\u00eb Busull ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb thelb\u00ebsisht me organizimin brenda institucioneve europiane dhe me menaxhimin e instrumentave apo p\u00ebrpunimin e qasjeve m\u00eb t\u00eb sh\u00ebnuar n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e k\u00ebrcnimeve hibride, dizinformacionit, hap\u00ebsir\u00ebs dhe rinovimit teknologjik, por impenjimet patjet\u00ebr dometh\u00ebn\u00ebse jan\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb rishikojn\u00eb dhe rikonfigurojn\u00eb nj\u00eb seri objektivash (n\u00eb terma t\u00eb kapaciteteve, resurseve, ndarjes s\u00eb kostove dhe t\u00eb stimujve fiskal\u00eb) qysh n\u00eb muajt e ardhsh\u00ebm dhe p\u00ebr t\u2019i azhurnuar kur dhe sa t\u00eb jet\u00eb e nevojshme (dhe gjith\u00ebsesi t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn \u00e7do 3 vjet) analiza e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt e k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimeve. Shpejt\u00ebsia dhe traumaciteti i ndryshimeve n\u00eb zhvillim imponon pra nj\u00eb dinamiz\u00ebm m\u00eb t\u00eb madh \u201cstrategjik\u201d nga ana e Bashkimit Europian dhe jo vet\u00ebm prej tij. N\u00eb pritje t\u00eb nj\u00eb Strategic Concept<\/em> t\u00eb ri t\u00eb NATO, q\u00eb do t\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebsoj\u00eb t\u00eb vjetrin (q\u00eb i p\u00ebrket deri 2010) dhe do t\u00eb zrtyrizohet n\u00eb samitin e Madridit t\u00eb fundqershorit, syt\u00eb tashm\u00eb jan\u00eb l\u00ebshuar mbi Deklarat\u00ebn e P\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt t\u00eb re midis drejtuesve t\u00eb t\u00eb dy orgnaizatave (pas qtyre t\u00eb 2016 e t\u00eb 2018): tashm\u00eb e parashikuar p\u00ebr muajin e kaluar, ka mund\u00ebsi do t\u00eb finalizohet sapo \u201cmjegulla e luft\u00ebs\u201d n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb do t\u00eb filloj\u00eb t\u00eb zbehet.<\/p>\n

(nga Aspenia Institute<\/em>)<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrgatiti<\/strong><\/p>\n

ARMIN TIRANA<\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Pak duket se e kan\u00eb kuptuar q\u00eb m\u00eb 24 mars, me rastin e K\u00ebshillit Europian t\u00eb mbajtur n\u00eb Bruksel bashk\u00eb me drejtuesit e NATO dhe t\u00eb G-7, Bashkimi Europian ka li\u00e7encuar zyrtarist \u201cBusull\u00ebn Strategjike\u201d (Strategic Compass) e tij. Dokumenti ishte njoftuar qysh dy vite m\u00eb par\u00eb dhe m\u00eb pas u p\u00ebrgatit me nj\u00eb seri konsultimesh …<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":9498,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"om_disable_all_campaigns":false,"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[42],"tags":[],"aioseo_notices":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/9497"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=9497"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/9497\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/9498"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=9497"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=9497"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=9497"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}