{"id":875,"date":"2021-12-21T10:10:36","date_gmt":"2021-12-21T10:10:36","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/rdnews.al\/?p=875"},"modified":"2021-12-23T14:26:02","modified_gmt":"2021-12-23T14:26:02","slug":"boll-me-tregun-socializmi-i-ri-per-shekullin-e-xxi","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/2021\/12\/21\/boll-me-tregun-socializmi-i-ri-per-shekullin-e-xxi\/","title":{"rendered":"Boll me tregun. Socializmi i ri p\u00ebr shekullin e XXI"},"content":{"rendered":"

Maurizio Ferrera dialogon me ekonomistin francez Thomas Piketty, i cili kthehet n\u00eb librari me \u00abNj\u00eb histori e shkurt\u00ebr e barazis\u00eb\u00bb dhe propozon ndryshime financiare dhe sociale rr\u00ebnj\u00ebsore. \u00abDuhet rimarr\u00eb rrug\u00ebtimi mbi rrug\u00ebn e t\u00eb drejtave dhe mund\u00ebsive. Shteti duhet t\u00eb garantoj\u00eb pun\u00ebsim dhe pun\u00ebtor\u00ebt duhet t\u00eb marrin pjes\u00eb n\u00eb menaxhimin e nd\u00ebrmarrjeve\u00bb.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Teza kryesore e librit t\u00eb Thomas Piketty Nj\u00eb histori e shkurt\u00ebr e barazis\u00eb <\/em>(sht\u00ebpia botuese La nave di Teseo) \u00ebsht\u00eb se shekulli i XX \u2014 sidomos periudha q\u00eb shkon nga 1914 deri m\u00eb 1980 \u2014 ka regjistruar nj\u00eb Rishp\u00ebrndarje t\u00eb Madhe brenda bot\u00ebs per\u00ebndimore: hendeqet e pasuris\u00eb dhe t\u00eb t\u00eb ardhurave jan\u00eb dob\u00ebsuar ndjesh\u00ebm. E kemi hapur dialogun ton\u00eb duke i k\u00ebrkuar se cil\u00ebt faktor\u00eb e kan\u00eb favorizuar k\u00ebt\u00eb hop p\u00ebrpara.<\/strong><\/p>\n

N\u00eb realitet, marshimi drejt barazis\u00eb filloi shum\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb: qysh n\u00eb shekullin e XVIII. Pik\u00ebt e kthes\u00ebs qen\u00eb sidomos dy. I pari dhe m\u00eb i njohuri qe Revolucioni Francez, q\u00eb i dha fund \u00abshoq\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb privilegjeve\u00bb tradicionale. Kthesa e dyt\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb pak e njohura, por qe edhe ajo shum\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme. I referohem revolt\u00ebs s\u00eb madhe t\u00eb skllev\u00ebrve zezak\u00eb t\u00eb Santo Domingo, n\u00eb vitin 1791. T\u00eb drejtuar nga marrons <\/em>(skllev\u00ebrit e arratisur n\u00eb male), t\u00eb revoltuarit q\u00eb mor\u00ebn kontrollin e plantacioneve, duke i detyruar latifondist\u00ebt q\u00eb t\u00eb arratiseshin. M\u00eb 1793, Konventa Komb\u00ebtare e Parisit deklaroi emancipimin e skllev\u00ebrve, e shtrir\u00eb mbi t\u00eb gjitha kolonit\u00eb franceze vitin e ardhsh\u00ebm. Revolucioni i dha impuls reduktimit t\u00eb pabarazive t\u00eb brendshme t\u00eb vendeve t\u00eb ve\u00e7anta, revolta e skllev\u00ebrve i dha goditjen e par\u00eb kolonializmit dhe pabarazive nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n

Hopi i madh n\u00eb frontin e par\u00eb ka ndodhur n\u00eb N\u00ebnt\u00ebqind\u00ebn. T\u00eb dh\u00ebnat e tij p\u00ebr Franc\u00ebn flasin qart\u00eb. N\u00eb terma t\u00eb pasuris\u00eb, kuota e 10% m\u00eb t\u00eb pasur ka mbetur pakashum\u00eb e pandryshuar midis fillimit t\u00eb Tet\u00ebqind\u00ebs dhe 1910; m\u00eb pas ka filluar t\u00eb zbres\u00eb, duke shkuar n\u00eb 30% nga fundi i shekullit. Por rritja e barazis\u00eb ka pasur t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb jo vet\u00ebm me dimensionin ekonomik? N\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit, Revolucioni Francez nuk u kufizua q\u00eb t\u00eb abrogoj\u00eb privilegjet fiskale dhe juridike t\u00eb fisnik\u00ebris\u00eb, por futi edhe sufrazhin universal mashkullor.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Faktikisht, kur flas p\u00ebr marshimin e barazis\u00eb, i referohem jo vet\u00ebm dimsnionit ekonomik, por edhe atij social dhe politik.<\/p>\n

Me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera, barazi n\u00eb t\u00eb drejta.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Pik\u00ebrisht. \u00cbsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb l\u00ebvizje historike drejt t\u00eb drejtash t\u00eb barabarta aksesi n\u00eb resurset ekonomike dhe n\u00eb pjes\u00ebmarrjen n\u00eb jeton politike dhe sociale. Lufta p\u00ebr t\u00eb drejtat nuk ka p\u00ebrfunduar dhe ndoshta nuk do t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundoj\u00eb kurr\u00eb. Sot ekzistojn\u00eb akoma pabarazi t\u00eb forta n\u00eb terma t\u00eb influenc\u00ebs dhe t\u00eb presionit politik, p\u00ebr shembull n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet financimit t\u00eb partive apo kontrollit t\u00eb mediave.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb librin tuaj ju formuloni n\u00eb fakt disa propozime interesante mbi m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn sesi t\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtohet \u00abdemokracia e paras\u00eb\u00bb.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Po, p\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket financimit t\u00eb parive propozoj q\u00eb t\u2019i caktohet nj\u00eb voucher <\/em>\u00e7do votuesi q\u00eb t\u00eb financoj\u00eb nj\u00eb parti t\u00eb zgjedhjes s\u00eb tij, me futjen e nj\u00eb ndalimi absolut t\u00eb grumbullimit t\u00eb fondeve midis burimeve t\u00eb tjera dhe nj\u00eb kufizim rigoros t\u00eb shpenzimeve elektorale. T\u00eb gjith\u00eb qytetar\u00ebt dhe t\u00eb gjith\u00eb kandidat\u00ebt do t\u00eb donin k\u00ebshtu t\u00eb ndodhehsin n\u00eb kushte barazie. P\u00ebr sa u p\u00ebrket mediave dhe t\u00eb gjitha think tank <\/em>q\u00eb konkurrojn\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb formuar opinionin publik, propozoj q\u00eb t\u00eb kufizohen n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb drastike pushtetet e aksionist\u00ebve, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb n\u00eb organet vendimmarr\u00ebse p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues t\u00eb gazetar\u00ebve, t\u00eb pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve dhe deri p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues t\u00eb lexuesve.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb rol vendimtar p\u00ebr afirmimin e nj\u00eb barazie m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe \u00ebsht\u00eb luajtur nga bilanci publik, sidomos nga welfare state.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Arritjet e welfare kan\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha. N\u00eb fillimin e N\u00ebnt\u00ebqind\u00ebs, e ardhura fiskale p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsonte rreth rreth 10% t\u00eb PBB. N\u00eb fundin e shekullit ajo arriti t\u00eb tejkaloj\u00eb 40% n\u00eb vendet kryesore europiane. Kjo i ka mund\u00ebsuar shtetit q\u00eb t\u00eb financoj\u00eb ar\u00ebsimin, sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsin\u00eb, pensionet dhe shpenzimet e papun\u00ebsis\u00eb, shpenzime q\u00eb kan\u00eb kontribuar jo vet\u00ebm t\u00eb reduktohen pabarazit\u00eb por edhe t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtes\u00eb zhvillimin ekonomik. Welfare ka promovuar nj\u00eb \u00abrevolucion antropologjik\u00bb: p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb n\u00eb histori i ka shp\u00ebtuar kontrollit t\u00eb t\u00eb klasave dominuese dhe pun\u00ebtor\u00ebt p\u00ebrballen me \u00abmallifikimin\u00bb e tregut. K\u00ebto suksese kan\u00eb delegjitimuar kund\u00ebr modelin komunist sovjetik, q\u00eb gjeneronte m\u00eb pak liri dhe, nj\u00ebherazi, m\u00eb pak mir\u00ebqenie. Th\u00ebn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb, nuk duhet harruar si progresi \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb proces, jo nj\u00eb gjendje finale. Nj\u00eb proces q\u00eb shpaloset n\u00eb dimensione t\u00eb ndryshme. Brenda shoq\u00ebrive tona ka ende diskriminime dometh\u00ebn\u00ebse, p\u00ebr shembull mbi baz\u00eb etnike apo fetare, dhe ekzistojn\u00eb pabarazi t\u00eb forta n\u00eb aksesin e ar\u00ebsimit dhe t\u00eb formimit, sidomos p\u00ebr shtresat m\u00eb pak t\u00eb kamura. Jemi larg nga nj\u00eb pabarazi e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb mund\u00ebsish\u00eb. Kjo vlen edhe p\u00ebr (pa)barazin\u00eb gjinore. Shum\u00eb vende kan\u00eb futur sisteme kuotash n\u00eb favor t\u00eb grave, por ta zgjerosh mund\u00ebsin\u00eb n\u00eb nivel drejtuese nui mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00eb alibi p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbajtur n\u00eb fuqi nj\u00eb sistem social fuqimisht t\u00eb hierarkizuar n\u00eb favor t\u00eb mashkujve p\u00ebr pjes\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr t\u00eb popullsis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Ju keni shkruar nj\u00eb lib\u00ebr mbi kapitalin dhe ideologjin\u00eb. Cila ka qen\u00eb pesha relative e faktor\u00ebve \u00abmaterial\u00eb\u00bb dhe e atyre ideologjik\u00eb n\u00eb promovimin e luft\u00ebs p\u00ebr barazin\u00eb?<\/strong><\/p>\n

T\u00eb dy faktor\u00ebt jan\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm, por asnj\u00ebri prej tyre nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb i mjaftuesh\u00ebm. Disekulibrat e brendsh\u00ebm n\u00eb terma t\u00eb resurseve materiale dhe t\u00eb pushtetit ekonomik mund t\u00eb tejkalohen vet\u00ebm n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet mobilizimit politik, p\u00ebr shembull n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet sindikatave dhe partive socialdemokrate. Por rezultati i konfliktit varet nga korniza ideologjike dhe t\u00eb platformave programatike t\u00eb kujt i mobilizon. Institucionet e vjetra nuk duhen vet\u00ebm kritikuar apo luftuar, duhen z\u00ebvend\u00ebsuar me institucione m\u00eb t\u00eb mira dhe ndryshimi p\u00ebr mir\u00eb mund t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb vet\u00ebm n\u00eb prani t\u00eb ideve t\u00eb mira. N\u00eb Rusi, revolucionar\u00ebt donin nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri m\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb, por kishin vizione t\u00eb ndryshme mbi si ta organizonin sistemin e ri dhe n\u00eb fund mbizot\u00ebroi nj\u00eb qasje opresive: parti unike, refuzim i pron\u00ebs private, t\u00eb zgjedhjeve e t\u00eb sindikatave, centralizmit burokratik.<\/p>\n

Lidhur me socializmat, si e vler\u00ebsoni modelin kinez? Marshimi drejt barazis\u00eb ka realizuar progrese t\u00eb m\u00ebdha n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb vend pas revolucionit komunist, por me kosot t\u00eb larta n\u00eb planin e liris\u00eb, shtetit t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs dhe t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb qytetaris\u00eb. Jan\u00eb kosto t\u00eb dorueshme kur situata e nisjes \u00ebsht\u00eb fuqimisht e pabarabart\u00eb?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Absolutisht jo. E kam th\u00ebn\u00eb tashme se koncepti im i barazis\u00eb bazohet mbo t\u00eb drejtat, t\u00eb gjitha t\u00eb drejtat. Modeli kinez \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb diktatur\u00eb. Nj\u00eb diktatur\u00eb e p\u00ebrkryer e er\u00ebs dixhitale, m\u00eb e rrezikshme se ajo sovjetike pasi e aft\u00eb t\u00eb gjeneroj\u00eb rritje ekonomike. N\u00eb dekadat e ardhshme, Kina mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhet fuqia e par\u00eb ekonomike e planetit. P\u00ebr vendet per\u00ebndimore, sfida \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb demonstrojn\u00eb se din\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb m\u00eb mir\u00eb. Jo vet\u00ebm n\u00eb planin ekonomi, por edhe mbi at\u00eb t\u00eb zhvillimit t\u00eb m\u00ebtejsh\u00ebm t\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave civile dhe politike.<\/p>\n

\u00c7far\u00eb rruge t\u00eb ndiqet? N\u00eb librin tuaj ju ravij\u00ebzoni nj\u00eb model t\u00eb ri zhvillimi: nj\u00eb socializ\u00ebm \u00abpjes\u00ebmarr\u00ebs, demokratik, ekologjik dhe metis\u00bb. Ju pyes q\u00eb t\u00eb ilustroni n\u00eb ve\u00e7anti 3 propozime: trash\u00ebgimin\u00eb universale, garancin\u00eb e p\u00ebrdorimit dhe \u00e7instalimin e pjessh\u00ebm e ekonomis\u00eb s\u00eb tregut.<\/strong><\/p>\n

N\u00eb vendet tona, 50% m\u00eb pak e kamur e popullsis\u00eb posedon vet\u00ebm 4% t\u00eb pasuris\u00eb: nj\u00eb pabarazi e jasht\u00ebzakonshme. Propozimi im \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb kalibrohen taksat pasurore dhe t\u00eb suksesionit n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb financohet nj\u00eb trash\u00ebgimi universale. Importi i saj duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb rreth 60% e pasuris\u00eb mesatare p\u00ebr adult. N\u00eb Franc\u00eb, importi i sot\u00ebm do t\u00eb ishte me rreth 120000 euro, q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb derdhet n\u00eb mosh\u00ebn 25 vje\u00e7are.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyrje rishp\u00ebrndar\u00ebse v\u00ebrtet e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb transferim i k\u00ebtij lloji do t\u00eb kishte nj\u00eb impakt shkat\u00ebrrues mbi shp\u00ebrndarjen e mund\u00ebsive t\u00eb jet\u00ebs. Kur nuk posedon asgj\u00eb ose, m\u00eb keq akoma, kur ke vet\u00ebm borxhe, nuk ke asnj\u00eb pushtet negociues. K\u00ebrkohet vet\u00ebm t\u00eb shtyhet, t\u00eb paguhet qiraja, faturat, t\u00eb mirat thelb\u00ebsore. Nuk ekziston mund\u00ebsia p\u00ebr t\u2019i realizuar dhe as p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrpunuar nj\u00eb projekte jete personale.<\/p>\n

Propozimi juaj do t\u00eb krijonte nj\u00eb lloj <\/strong>\u00abpasurie baz\u00eb\u00bb, n\u00eb rast se e kupton mir\u00eb, e ngjashme me at\u00eb t\u00eb s\u00eb ardhur\u00ebs baz\u00eb.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Pr\u00ebve\u00e7 trash\u00ebgimis\u00eb universale un\u00eb propozoj edhe nj\u00eb forcim t\u00eb skemave t\u00eb s\u00eb ardhur\u00ebs minimale, me importe midis gjysm\u00ebs dhe tri t\u00eb kat\u00ebrtave t\u00eb rrog\u00ebs mesatare. Skemat aktualisht n\u00eb fuqi n\u00eb shumic\u00ebn e vendeve europiane vuajn\u00eb nga shum\u00eb pamjaftueshm\u00ebri. N\u00eb ve\u00e7anti b\u00ebn t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb aksesin e m\u00eb t\u00eb rinjve, student\u00ebve, t\u00eb pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve me rroga t\u00eb ul\u00ebta.<\/p>\n

Dhe n\u00eb \u00e7far\u00eb do t\u00eb konsistonte sistemi i garancis\u00eb s\u00eb vendit t\u00eb pun\u00ebs?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Ideja \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo e propozimit t\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb njer\u00ebzve q\u00eb e d\u00ebshirojn\u00eb nj\u00eb pun\u00ebsom me rrog\u00eb t\u00eb plot me nj\u00eb rrog\u00eb minimale m\u00eb nivel t\u00eb pranuesh\u00ebm. Financimi do t\u00eb sigurohej nga shteti dhe pun\u00ebsimet duhet t\u00eb propozohen nga agjencit\u00eb e pun\u00ebs, n\u00eb sektorin publik dhe asociativ.<\/p>\n

Puna me rrog\u00eb minimale do t\u00eb ishte e detyrueshme p\u00ebr k\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb pun\u00eb dhe merr t\u00eb ardhur\u00ebn minimale?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Asnj\u00eb detyrueshm\u00ebri. Edhe pse nuk do t\u00eb ishte e leht\u00eb t\u00eb mbijetohej me t\u00eb ardhur\u00ebn minimale, k\u00ebshtu q\u00eb do t\u00eb kishte stimuj t\u00eb fort\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb punuar.<\/p>\n

Por si t\u00eb krijohen vende pun\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u garantuar jo t\u00eb pun\u00ebsuarve?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Duhet synuar n\u00eb ata sektor\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebt kemi nevoj\u00eb n\u00eb rritje dhe q\u00eb sot jan\u00eb t\u00eb n\u00ebndimensionuar. N\u00eb t\u00eb ashtuquajtur\u00ebn ekonomi t\u00eb kujdesit mund t\u00eb krijohen shum\u00eb vende pune dhe e nj\u00ebjta gj\u00eb mund t\u00eb thuhet p\u00ebr tranzicionin ekologjik. Qeverit\u00eb lokale duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebhen promotor\u00eb iniciativash t\u00eb reja, duke mobilizuar edhe sektorin non profit<\/em>.<\/p>\n

Dhe k\u00ebshtu arrijm\u00eb tek propozimi i tret\u00eb: \u00e7instalimin gradual e ekonomis\u00eb s\u00eb tregut.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Qysh sot t\u00eb mirat dhe sh\u00ebrbimet themelore si ar\u00ebsimi, sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsia, transportet apo energjia tentojn\u00eb t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb prodhuara jasht\u00eb tregut, n\u00eb kuadrin e strukturave publike, shpesh n\u00eb nivel t\u00eb decentralizuar. P\u00ebrpara Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Madhe, ar\u00ebsimi dhe sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsia absorbonin m\u00eb pak se 1% t\u00eb PBB. N\u00ebse dikush do t\u00eb kishte propozuar t\u00eb shpenzonte 15% apo 20% t\u00eb PBB p\u00ebr k\u00ebta dy sektor\u00eb, do t\u00eb akuzohej se donte komunizmin. Megjithat\u00eb, kemi arritur dhe bota nuk ka r\u00ebn\u00eb. Ekonomia publike dhe ajo non profit<\/em> mund dhe duhej t\u00eb zgjeroheshin akoma m\u00eb shum\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Po ekonomia e tregut?<\/strong><\/p>\n

P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb pjes\u00eb propozimi im \u00ebsht\u00eb ai i zbatimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb sistemi \u00absocializmi pjes\u00ebmarr\u00ebs\u00bb me nj\u00eb ndarje paritare t\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb vot\u00ebs p\u00ebr menaxhimin e bizneseve private midis pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve dhe t\u00eb aksioner\u00ebve. Mund t\u00eb merren edhe idet\u00eb e planit t\u00eb famsh\u00ebm Meidner, i p\u00ebrpunuar nga sindikata suedeze e shekullit t\u00eb kaluar: pronar\u00ebt e kompanive t\u00eb m\u00ebdha do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb derdhnin \u00e7do vit nj\u00eb kuot\u00eb t\u00eb fitimeve n\u00eb nj\u00eb \u00abfond t\u00eb rrogave\u00bb q\u00eb investon n\u00eb kryeqytetin e bizneseve. Jan\u00eb tema sot t\u00eb debatuara nga laburist\u00ebt britanik\u00eb dhe deri nga eksponent\u00eb demokrat\u00eb amerikan\u00eb si Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez. Flitet edhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar fonde t\u00eb reja investimi publik p\u00ebr q\u00ebllime sociale.<\/p>\n

Le t\u00eb kthehemi p\u00ebr nj\u00eb \u00e7ast tek sh\u00ebrbimet kolektive. Duhet t\u00eb prodhohen vet\u00ebm nga shteti?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Edhe nga ente non profit<\/em>. Shum\u00eb universitete dhe spitale q\u00eb n\u00eb Europ\u00eb i quajm\u00eb \u00abprivat\u00eb\u00bb jan\u00eb n\u00eb realitet shoq\u00ebrime pa q\u00ebllim fitimi. Ajo q\u00eb duhet shmangur \u00ebsht\u00eb futja e logjik\u00ebs s\u00eb fitimit, q\u00eb mund t\u00eb gjeneroj\u00eb shfaqje grabitqare dhe deri praktika ilegale. Le t\u00eb mendojm\u00eb p\u00ebr Trump University, i themeluar n\u00eb 2004 dhe i mbyllur n\u00eb 2010 p\u00ebr mashtrim.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb p\u00ebrvoj\u00eb v\u00ebrtet e tmerrshme. Por le t\u00eb kujtojm\u00eb se edhe shteti ka limitet e tij. Skandale dhe korrupsion ndodhin edhe n\u00eb sektorin publik. \u00cbsht\u00eb e gabuar t\u00eb krahasohet shteti i bot\u00ebs reale me shtetin e bot\u00ebs ideale. Shum\u00eb studime kan\u00eb treguar se welfare publik i bot\u00ebs reale mund t\u00eb gjeneroj\u00eb segmentime t\u00eb reja midis grupeve dhe territoreve, t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb \u00abklientela sociale\u00bb t\u00eb reja q\u00eb g\u00ebzojn\u00eb privilegje mbi aspektin fiskal apo t\u00eb prezantimeve. Sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsia publike mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb joefi\u00e7ent dhe joefikas.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Dakord, por t\u00eb dh\u00ebnat e Organizat\u00ebs Bot\u00ebrore t\u00eb Sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsis\u00eb na thon\u00eb se sistemet sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsore q\u00eb prodhojn\u00eb rezultate m\u00eb t\u00eb mira se ato publike.<\/p>\n

Keni t\u00eb drejt\u00eb, por un\u00eb nuk po mendoj p\u00ebr nj\u00eb sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsi apo p\u00ebr nj\u00eb universitet Trump, por p\u00ebr forma t\u00eb reja bashk\u00ebpunimi midis publikut dhe privatit. Lordi Beveridge thoshte se \u00ablogjika e fitimit \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb padron i keq, por mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00eb sh\u00ebrbyes i zoti\u00bb. M\u00eb shum\u00eb se natyra publike apo private e ofert\u00ebs, besoj se vlen paras\u00ebgjithash dizenjo institucionale dhe organizative.<\/strong><\/p>\n

P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb propozoj socializmin pjes\u00ebmarr\u00ebs. Nj\u00eb model i kund\u00ebrt respektivisht me at\u00eb t\u00eb centralizuar dhe autoritari, duke eksperimentuar n\u00eb shekullin e XX n\u00eb bllokun sovjetik. K\u00ebtu autoritetet donin ta shkulnin \u00abgangren\u00ebn\u00bb kapitaliste, duke krininalizuar \u00e7do form\u00eb prone private. Socializmi im pjes\u00ebmarr\u00ebs parashikon nj\u00eb organizim ekonomik t\u00eb decentralizuar, q\u00eb nxjerr n\u00eb fush\u00eb nj\u00eb larmi aktor\u00ebsh, kolektiviteti dhe strukturash mikse. Objektivi \u00ebsht\u00eb ai i kund\u00ebrshtimit t\u00eb p\u00ebrq\u00ebndrimit t\u00eb tepruar i pron\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe i pushtetit vendimmarr\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb hapa n\u00eb drejtimin e paralajm\u00ebruar pej jush nevojitet mb\u00ebshtetja e nj\u00eb \u00abkoalicioni egalitar\u00bb, i gatsh\u00ebm q\u00eb t\u00eb mobilizohet p\u00ebr t\u00eb futur ndryshime in\u00e7zive. Besoj se ka \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb formuar nj\u00eb koalicon t\u00eb ngjash\u00ebm: status quo <\/em>shp\u00ebrndar\u00ebse, i mb\u00ebshtetut mbi nj\u00eb pletor\u00eb t\u00eb drejtash t\u00eb fituara, gjeneron interesa t\u00eb tipit konservator. Le t\u00eb mendojm\u00eb p\u00ebr sekuenc\u00ebn e mobilizimeve n\u00eb Franc\u00eb n\u00eb mbrojtje t\u00eb privilegjeve t\u00eb ndryshme koroprative n\u00eb sektorin pensionist. Projekti i ndryshimit\u00eb q\u00eb ju propozoni \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb fakt radikal.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe aq radikal. Jo m\u00eb shum\u00eb sesa modeli i ekonomis\u00eb mikse q\u00eb e kemi nd\u00ebrtuar n\u00eb gjysm\u00ebn e dyt\u00eb e N\u00ebt\u00ebqind\u00ebs dukej radikale p\u00ebr syt\u00eb e borgjezis\u00eb s\u00eb fillimit t\u00eb shekullit. Socializmi pjes\u00ebmarr\u00ebs mund t\u00eb duket radikale sot, por n\u00ebqoft\u00ebse e v\u00ebm\u00eb n\u00eb praktik\u00eb me gradualitet, pas gjysm\u00eb shekulli mund ta kemi realizuar dhe do t\u00eb na duket \u00abnormal\u00bb. Nuk paralajm\u00ebroj revolucione. Jam nj\u00eb shkenc\u00ebtar social, p\u00ebr mua ndryshimi duhet t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet procesesh qasjeje racionale. Askush nuk e njeh bot\u00ebn e p\u00ebrkryer, askush nuk mund t\u00eb thot\u00eb se p\u00ebr ta arritur mjafton t\u00eb \u00e7lirohemi nga nj\u00eb grup i shtr\u00ebnguar elitash.<\/p>\n

Dakord, por p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndryshuar duhen edhe vizione.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Sigurisht dhe problemi aktual \u00ebsht\u00eb se t\u00eb majt\u00ebs i mungon vizionit. P\u00ebr shembull, ju keni folur p\u00ebr disa degjenerime t\u00eb shtetit social. Duhet nxjerr\u00eb m\u00ebsim, n\u00eb vend q\u00eb t\u00eb mendohet se \u00e7do diskutim mbi tem\u00ebn \u00ebsht\u00eb reaksionar apo i djatht\u00eb. N\u00eb rast se e majta nuk impenjohet seriozisht p\u00ebr ta transformuar m\u00eb mir\u00eb shtetin social, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb n\u00eb debat qytetar\u00ebt dhe pun\u00ebtor\u00ebt, fusha do t\u00eb mbes\u00eb e hapur p\u00ebr ato forca q\u00eb duan t\u00eb shkurtojn\u00eb welfare n\u00eb vend q\u00eb ta reformojn\u00eb at\u00eb dhe e nj\u00ebjta vlen edhe p\u00ebr sfid\u00ebn e madhe t\u00eb re, tranzicionin e gjelb\u00ebr. D\u00ebmet e shkaktuara nga ndryshimi klimaterik apo nga degradimi natyra\u00eb godasin me intensitet t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb shtresat m\u00eb pak t\u00eb kamura dhe vendet m\u00eb t\u00eb varf\u00ebra.<\/p>\n

Protesta e gilets jaunes <\/em>n\u00eb Franc\u00eb ka shp\u00ebrthyer pik\u00ebrisht n\u00eb vijim t\u00eb nj\u00eb rritjeje t\u00eb kostos s\u00eb energjis\u00eb dhe t\u00eb karburantit, p\u00ebr t\u2019u transformuar m\u00eb pas n\u00eb nj\u00eb k\u00ebrkes\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsuar rinovimi ekonomik dhe politik. Si e vler\u00ebsoni p\u00ebrvoj\u00ebn e Grand D\u00e9bat<\/em> t\u00eb organizuar nga Macron p\u00ebr t\u2019ju p\u00ebrgjigjur k\u00ebsaj pyetjeje?<\/strong><\/p>\n

N\u00eb thelb \u00ebsht\u00eb folur p\u00ebr nj\u00eb inciativ\u00eb nga lart posht\u00eb, me objektivin e qart\u00eb e destrukturimit t\u00eb l\u00ebvizjes s\u00eb gilets jaunes<\/em>. N\u00eb realitet leksioni i madh i 5 viteve t\u00eb fundit n\u00eb Franc\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb shtytja e konfliktit shp\u00ebrndar\u00ebs dhe e luft\u00ebs p\u00ebr barazin\u00eb jan\u00eb ende shum\u00eb t\u00eb forta: Revolucioni Francez nuk ka p\u00ebrfunduar akoma.<\/p>\n

(nga La Lettura<\/em>)<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrgatiti<\/strong><\/p>\n

ARMIN TIRANA<\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Maurizio Ferrera dialogon me ekonomistin francez Thomas Piketty, i cili kthehet n\u00eb librari me \u00abNj\u00eb histori e shkurt\u00ebr e barazis\u00eb\u00bb dhe propozon ndryshime financiare dhe sociale rr\u00ebnj\u00ebsore. \u00abDuhet rimarr\u00eb rrug\u00ebtimi mbi rrug\u00ebn e t\u00eb drejtave dhe mund\u00ebsive. Shteti duhet t\u00eb garantoj\u00eb pun\u00ebsim dhe pun\u00ebtor\u00ebt duhet t\u00eb marrin pjes\u00eb n\u00eb menaxhimin e nd\u00ebrmarrjeve\u00bb. Teza kryesore e …<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":1084,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"om_disable_all_campaigns":false,"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[42],"tags":[],"aioseo_notices":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/875"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=875"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/875\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/1084"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=875"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=875"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=875"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}