{"id":7263,"date":"2022-03-17T11:50:50","date_gmt":"2022-03-17T11:50:50","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/?p=7263"},"modified":"2022-03-17T11:50:50","modified_gmt":"2022-03-17T11:50:50","slug":"pse-lufta","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/2022\/03\/17\/pse-lufta\/","title":{"rendered":"Pse lufta?"},"content":{"rendered":"

Megjith\u00ebse nuk ka nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb p\u00ebr ta eliminuar luft\u00ebn nga horizonti njer\u00ebzor, megjithat\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb d\u00ebshp\u00ebruese t\u2019i dor\u00ebzohesh pashmangshm\u00ebris\u00eb t\u00eb s\u00eb keqes. Nj\u00eb analiz\u00eb q\u00eb niset nga let\u00ebrk\u00ebmbimi i 1933 midis Sigmund Freud dhe Albert Einstein t\u00eb titulluar pik\u00ebrisht \u201cPse lufta?\u201d.<\/strong><\/p>\n

N\u00eb 1932 Lidhja e Kombeve i d\u00ebrgon Institutit Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar p\u00ebr Bashk\u00ebpunimin Intelektual nj\u00eb konfrontim t\u00eb hapur eksponent\u00ebve m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm t\u00eb bot\u00ebs kulturore t\u00eb koh\u00ebs: ve\u00e7 t\u00eb tjer\u00ebve, marrin pjes\u00eb Johan Huizinga, Aldous Huxley, Julien Benda, Johan Bojer, Tsai Yuan Pei. Let\u00ebrk\u00ebmbimi m\u00eb i njohur \u00ebsht\u00eb ai botuar nj\u00eb vit m\u00eb pas me titullin Pse lufta?<\/em> midis Sigmund Freud dhe Albert Einstein.<\/p>\n

Freud ishte shprehur tashm\u00eb n\u00eb dhjetorin e 1914 n\u00eb nj\u00eb let\u00ebr p\u00ebr hollandezin Van Eeden, n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn kishte ritheksuar sesi psikanaliza kishte arritur n\u00eb konkluzionin se \u201cimpulset primitive, t\u00eb egra dhe t\u00eb k\u00ebqija t\u00eb njer\u00ebzimit nuk janl zhdukur, por vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb ekzistojn\u00eb, megjith\u00ebse n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb shtypur, n\u00eb vet\u00ebdijet e individ\u00ebve<\/em>\u201d, t\u00eb gatshme q\u00eb t\u00eb rishfaqen n\u00eb rastin m\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb. Intelekti yn\u00eb, vazhdonte ai, \u00ebsht\u00eb i dob\u00ebt, i l\u00ebkundur dhe instrument i emocioneve tona dhe vet\u00eb ne jemi t\u00eb detyruar t\u00eb veprojm\u00eb \u201cme inteligjenc\u00eb ose me budallall\u00ebk\u201d, sipas d\u00ebshir\u00ebs dhe t\u00eb rezistencave t\u00eb brendshme. Dhe ja \u201cmizorit\u00eb dhe padrejt\u00ebsit\u00eb, p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilat b\u00ebhen p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebs vendet m\u00eb civile, keqbesimi me t\u00eb cil\u00ebn ato gjykojn\u00eb g\u00ebnjeshtrat e tyre, armiq\u00ebsit\u00eb e veta dhe ato t\u00eb armiqve t\u00eb tyre<\/em>\u201d dhe pamund\u00ebsia p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb pasur nj\u00eb gjykim t\u00eb qet\u00eb dhe v\u00ebrtet t\u00eb lir\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Q\u00eb forca pulsionale i l\u00ebvizin individ\u00ebt tek lufta pranohej edhe nga intelektual\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00eb pjes\u00ebmarr\u00ebs n\u00eb konfrontim. Johan Bojer shkruante se luft\u00ebn n\u00eb na e d\u00ebrgojn\u00eb forca t\u00eb jashtme ndaj njer\u00ebzve: jo, ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb e njer\u00ebzve. Sepse kaosi \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb shpirtin e secilit<\/em>. \u201cRr\u00ebfejm\u00eb humaniz\u00ebm dhe adhurojm\u00eb forc\u00ebn bruto. Duam v\u00ebllez\u00ebrit tan\u00eb dhe i urrejm\u00eb. Jemi gati t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtojm\u00eb, por p\u00eblqejm\u00eb t\u00eb shkat\u00ebrrojm\u00eb\u201d<\/a>. <\/em>Dhe Aldous Huxley theksonte se paqja nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare ishte nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje psikologjie individuale, nga momenti q\u00eb shkaqet e luft\u00ebs n\u00eb thelb q\u00ebndrojn\u00eb n\u00eb jet\u00ebn emotive t\u00eb individit.<\/p>\n

Tek Zhg\u00ebnjimi i luft\u00ebs <\/em>Freud stigmatizon shp\u00ebrthimin e luft\u00ebs, m\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjakshme t\u00eb \u00e7do konflikti t\u00eb s\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb perfeksionimit t\u00eb arm\u00ebve, dhe shkruan se t\u00eb dy faktet kan\u00eb ngjallur zhg\u00ebnjimin e tij, \u00a0moralitetin e pal\u00ebt nga jasht\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre shteteve q\u00eb nga brenda shtiren si gardian\u00eb t\u00eb normave morale dhe brutalitetin e sjelljes s\u00eb individ\u00ebve t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb.<\/em> Ka nj\u00eb num\u00ebr gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb madh njer\u00ebzish q\u00eb pranojn\u00eb me hipokrizi qytet\u00ebrimin sesa jo individ\u00ebsh v\u00ebrtet civil\u00eb, konkludonte: nuk kishte par\u00eb akoma, as nuk do t\u00eb shikonte kurr\u00eb shpalosjen e mizoris\u00eb n\u00eb Luft\u00ebn e Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore, megjith\u00ebse t\u2019i njihte, duke qen\u00eb i vdekur n\u00eb shtatorin e 1939, at\u00eb q\u00eb nazist\u00ebt kishin kryer tashm\u00eb n\u00eb zemr\u00ebn e Europ\u00ebs shum\u00eb civile.<\/p>\n

Kur m\u00eb 1932 e fton t\u00eb konfrontohet me t\u00eb, pyetja q\u00eb Ajnshtajni i b\u00ebn \u00ebsht\u00eb: ka nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019i \u00e7liruar njer\u00ebzit nga fataliteti i luft\u00ebs?<\/em> Dhe si \u00ebsht\u00eb e mundur q\u00eb nj\u00eb minoranc\u00eb e interesuar vet, t\u00eb pasurohet dhe q\u00eb sheh tek lufta rastin p\u00ebr t\u00eb promovuar interesat e saj arrin ta n\u00ebnshtroj\u00eb mas\u00ebn e popullit, q\u00eb nga nj\u00eb luft\u00eb ka vet\u00ebm t\u00eb vuaj\u00eb dhe t\u00eb humbas\u00eb? Natyrisht, n\u00ebnvizon shkenc\u00ebtari, ajo ka disa instrumenta t\u00eb fort\u00eb si shtypi, shkolla dhe organizatat religjioze dhe, pavar\u00ebsisht, mbetet pik\u00ebpyetja sesi populli e l\u00eb veten ta marr\u00eb flaka deri n\u00eb sakrifikimin e vetes. Nj\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje \u00ebsht\u00eb se njeri e ka brenda vetes k\u00ebnaq\u00ebsin\u00eb e t\u00eb urryerit dhe t\u00eb shkat\u00ebrrimit q\u00eb mbetet latente n\u00eb kushte normaliteti dhe q\u00eb shfaqet n\u00eb situata t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme: n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pik\u00eb do t\u00eb ishte e mundur t\u00eb drejtohej evolucioni psikik n\u00eb m\u00ebynr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u2019i b\u00ebnte njer\u00ebzit t\u00eb aft\u00eb q\u00eb t\u2019u rezistonin k\u00ebtyre shtytjeve?<\/p>\n

Ajnshtajni e paraprin edhe pozicionin e tij personal, duke uruar q\u00eb shtetet t\u00eb krijojn\u00eb nj\u00eb autoritet legjislativ he gjyq\u00ebsor me mandatin q\u00eb t\u00eb kompozoj\u00eb konfliktet q\u00eb lindin midis tyre. natyrisht q\u00eb nj\u00eb organizat\u00eb e till\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare do t\u00eb kishte efikasitet vet\u00ebm n\u00eb mas\u00ebn n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn do t\u00eb kishte pushtetin efektin e imponimit t\u00eb respektimit t\u00eb ligjeve t\u00eb saj dhe kjo do t\u00eb implikonte q\u00eb \u00e7do shtet i ve\u00e7ant\u00eb t\u00eb hiqte dor\u00eb nga nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e liris\u00eb s\u00eb tij t\u00eb veprimit, dometh\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb sovranitetit t\u00eb tij. Gj\u00eb q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb problemi i \u00e7do organizmi t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj natyre, si\u00e7 kemi asistuar edhe ne n\u00eb k\u00ebto vite sovraniteti t\u00eb ekzagjeruar.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrgjigja e Freud e rimerr kritik\u00ebn nga organizata si Lidhja e Kombeve q\u00eb nuk e disponojn\u00eb nj\u00eb forc\u00eb t\u00eb tyren pik\u00ebrisht sepse projekti wilsonian ka qen\u00eb nj\u00eb tentativ\u00eb kurajoze p\u00ebr t\u00eb fituar autoritet n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet apelit t\u00eb parimeve ideale. P\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket shtytjeve n\u00eb baz\u00ebn e qasjeve konfliktuale t\u00eb qenies njer\u00ebzore, ato jan\u00eb vet\u00ebm t\u00eb dy llojeve: \u201cato q\u00eb tentojn\u00eb t\u00eb ruajn\u00eb e t\u00eb bashkojn\u00eb \u2013 nga n\u00eb t\u00eb quajtura si erotike (sakt\u00ebsisht n\u00eb kuptimin e Erosit tek Simpoziumi i Platonit), ashtu edhe seksuale, duke e shtrir\u00eb q\u00ebllimisht konceptin popullor t\u00eb seksualitetit \u2013 dhe atyre q\u00eb tentojn\u00eb ta shkat\u00ebrrojn\u00eb; k\u00ebto t\u00eb fundin i kuptojm\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha n\u00eb denominimin e pulsionit agresiv apo shkat\u00ebrrimtar\u201d. <\/em>T\u00eb dyja jan\u00eb t\u00eb pranishme dhe t\u00eb domosdoshme pasi jeta bazohet n\u00eb konkursin dhe kontrastin e tyre. Pulsionet erotike p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsojn\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekjet drejt jet\u00ebs, ato t\u00eb vdekjes shkat\u00ebrrimin drejt nesh dhe nga jasht\u00eb. Nuk ka shpres\u00eb n\u00eb shtypjen e tendencave agresive t\u00eb njer\u00ebzve: mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb vet\u00ebm t\u00eb devijuara n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb mos \u00e7ojn\u00eb tek lufta. Mund t\u00eb k\u00ebrkohet t\u00eb krijohen lidhje emotive, solidariteti midis njerlzve p\u00ebr t\u2019u penguar deflagracionin, por \u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb sigurohen. Zgjidhja e vetme do t\u00eb ishte t\u00eb n\u00ebnshtroheshin ar\u00ebsyes k\u00ebto pulsione, do t\u00eb ishte t\u00eb forcohej intelekti, sidomos t\u00eb kihet nj\u00eb q\u00ebndrim m\u00eb civil dhe t\u00eb konsiderohet frika e justifikuar e efekteve t\u00eb nj\u00eb lufte t\u00eb ardhshme.<\/p>\n

Lidhur me nevoj\u00ebn p\u00ebr ta tejkaluar optik\u00ebn egoiste dhe nacionaliste qen\u00eb pigmentuar tashm\u00eb intelekte t\u00eb tjera: vet\u00eb Erazmusi i Roterdamit, i trazuar nga konfliktet q\u00eb midis shekullit t\u00eb XV dhe t\u00eb XVI p\u00ebrgjak\u00ebn Europ\u00ebn, b\u00ebn tek Querela pacis<\/em>, Paqen protagoniste t\u00eb nj\u00eb ankese q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe nj\u00eb denoncim kund\u00ebr t\u00eb fuqishm\u00ebve t\u00eb bot\u00ebs (princa, mbret\u00ebr, pap\u00eb) q\u00eb n\u00eb vend t\u00eb mendojn\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb mir\u00ebn e n\u00ebnshtetasve, mbjellin urrejtje dhe shkat\u00ebrrim. Nuk ekzistojn\u00eb luft\u00ebra t\u00eb drejta: \u00e7do luft\u00eb p\u00ebrfshin dhe vret ata popuj q\u00eb nuk kan\u00eb zgjedhje, por q\u00eb i p\u00ebsojn\u00eb pesh\u00ebn vdekatare. \u201cAsnj\u00eb paqe nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb aq e padrejt\u00eb sa t\u00eb mos jet\u00eb e preferueshme nga m\u00eb e drejta e luft\u00ebrave\u201d<\/em> e kur fitohet \u201cd\u00ebmi e tejkalon gjithmon\u00eb fitimin\u201d<\/em>, nd\u00ebrsa edhe kush mban fitoren qan. Popujt nd\u00ebrtojn\u00eb qytetet, princat, p\u00ebr etjen e tyre p\u00ebr pushte, i shkat\u00ebrrojn\u00eb. U duhet rezistuar tundimeve nacionaliste q\u00eb ndajn\u00eb popujt, duke synuar mbi solidaritetin, fiksuar rregullat p\u00ebr suksesionet brenda shteteve.<\/p>\n

Por \u00ebsht\u00eb z\u00ebri i Kant, \u201cMoisiut t\u00eb kombit ton\u00eb<\/em>\u201d, si\u00e7 e quajti H\u04e7rderlin, ai q\u00eb b\u00ebn t\u00eb ndjehet me autoritet n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet ideve t\u00eb tij t\u00eb ekspozuara n\u00eb artikullin P\u00ebr paqen e p\u00ebrjetshme<\/em> q\u00eb e shkruan m\u00eb 1795, n\u00eb nj\u00eb periudh\u00eb ku ishte e g\u00ebluar nga konfliktet. K\u00ebtu, si Nen t\u00eb 1 p\u00ebr paqen e p\u00ebrjetshme, \u201cN\u00eb \u00e7do shtet kushtetuta civile duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb republikane\u201d<\/em>, projekton nj\u00eb republik\u00eb, pasi prej t\u00eb gjitha qeverive \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e mira p\u00ebr paqen e p\u00ebr lirin\u00eb dhe tregon n\u00eb nj\u00eb federat\u00eb popujsh mjetin e vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebsuar, me nj\u00eb rend juridik, gjendjen e paqes me gjendjen e luft\u00ebs. \u201cN\u00ebse p\u00ebr t\u00eb vendosur \u201cn\u00ebse duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb apo jo lufta\u201d k\u00ebrkohet konsensusi i qytetar\u00ebve, at\u00ebhere gj\u00ebja m\u00eb natyrale \u00ebsht\u00eb se, duke ju dashur t\u00eb vendosin t\u2019i p\u00ebsojn\u00eb vet\u00eb ata t\u00eb gjitha katastrofat e luft\u00ebs (t\u00eb luftojn\u00eb personalisht; t\u00eb paguajn\u00eb me xhepin e tyre kostot e luft\u00ebs; t\u00eb riparojn\u00eb me mundim t\u00eb madh g\u00ebrmadhat q\u00eb l\u00eb pas vetes dhe, p\u00ebr hir t\u00eb katastrofave, ende nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr q\u00eb e b\u00ebn t\u00eb hidhur paqen, ngarkimin me borxhe q\u00eb p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb luft\u00ebrave t\u00eb reja t\u00eb af\u00ebrta nuk do t\u00eb zhduken kurr\u00eb), do ta pasqyrojn\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb nisjen e nj\u00eb loje kaq t\u00eb sh\u00ebmtuar\u201d.<\/em><\/p>\n

N\u00eb nj\u00eb kushtetut\u00eb ku n\u00ebnshtetasit nuk jan\u00eb qytetar\u00eb \u2013 dometh\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb kushtetut\u00eb jorepublikane \u2013 n\u00eb vend q\u00eb b\u00ebrja e luft\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb gj\u00ebja m\u00eb e leht\u00eb e bot\u00ebs, pasi q\u00eb sovrani nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb an\u00ebtar i shtetit, por i \u00ebsht\u00eb pronari dhe mund t\u00eb vendos\u00eb me qejfin e tij luft\u00ebn pa ju dashur t\u2019i jap llogari kurrkujt dhe duke ia besuar trupit diplomatik detyr\u00ebn p\u00ebr ta justifikuar. \u00cbsht\u00eb rasti i diktator\u00ebve t\u00eb shumt\u00eb t\u00eb epok\u00ebs bashk\u00ebkohore dhe, megjithat\u00eb pacifizmi juridik i Kant, si\u00e7 del nga Neni 2: \u201cE drejta nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare duhet t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetet mbi nj\u00eb federaliz\u00ebn shtetesh t\u00eb lira\u201d<\/em>, nuk e fsheh faktin q\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e mjaftueshme q\u00eb shtetet t\u00eb b\u00ebhen t\u00eb gjith\u00eb republikan\u00eb: \u00ebsht\u00eb e domosdoshme \u201cnj\u00eb aleanc\u00eb kund\u00ebr luft\u00ebs s\u00eb p\u00ebrhershme dhe gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb shtrir\u00eb, q\u00eb mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbaj\u00eb p\u00ebrroin e tendencave armiq\u00ebsore dhe jorespektuese t\u00eb \u00e7do t\u00eb drejte, por n\u00eb rrezikun konstant q\u00eb ky p\u00ebrrua t\u00eb forcohet\u201d<\/em>.<\/p>\n

Ajo q\u00eb Kanti sugjeron \u00ebsht\u00eb sigurisht utopike, pasi e prirur t\u00eb realizoj\u00eb fundin e t\u00eb gjitha luft\u00ebrave e p\u00ebrgjithmon\u00eb dhe e dim\u00eb sesa her\u00eb kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb shkelur, por nj\u00ebherazi \u00ebsht\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme si \u201cideal rregullues\u201d tek i cili njer\u00ebzimi duhet t\u00eb tentoj\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Do t\u00eb duhej nj\u00eb federat\u00eb paqeje, jo nj\u00eb traktat paqeje (q\u00eb b\u00ebhet gjithmon\u00eb pas nj\u00eb lufte), pasi e para do t\u2019i jepte fund jo nj\u00eb lufte, por t\u00eb gjitha luft\u00ebrave. Nj\u00eb federat\u00eb e till\u00eb nuk propozon nd\u00ebrtimin e nj\u00eb fuqie politike, por lirin\u00eb dhe ruajtjen e nj\u00eb shteti dhe nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht t\u00eb shteteve t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb federuara, pa k\u00ebta q\u00eb t\u2019ju n\u00ebnshtrohen ligjeve publike dhe kufizimit t\u00eb ushtruar prej tyre. K\u00ebshtu q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e nevojshme q\u00eb shtetet ta tejkalojn\u00eb form\u00ebn e shtetit komb\u00ebtar dhe ta transferojn\u00eb sovranitetin e tyre tek nj\u00eb organiz\u00ebm mbikomb\u00ebtar, n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn m\u00ebynr\u00eb me t\u00eb cil\u00ebn njer\u00ebzit kan\u00eb dal\u00eb nga gjendja natyrale duke ja deleguar nj\u00eb pushteti tjet\u00ebr at\u00eb t\u00eb sigurimit t\u00eb paqes. Si theksohet n\u00eb Nenin e 3, \u201cE drejta kozmopolitiane duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb e kufizuar n\u00eb kushtet e mikpritjes universale\u201d,<\/em> duhet maturuar nj\u00eb vet\u00ebdije e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsie: \u201cK\u00ebtu, ashtu si n\u00eb nenet e m\u00ebparshme, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb diskutim filantropia, por e drejta dhe at\u00ebhere mikpritja n\u00ebnkupton t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn q\u00eb nj\u00eb i huaj ka t\u00eb mos trajtohet si nj\u00eb armik p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb shkuarjes n\u00eb tok\u00ebn e tjetrit<\/em>\u201d<\/a>. Nuk b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb mikpritjeje, por p\u00ebr nj\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb vizite<\/em>, q\u00eb u takon t\u00eb gjith\u00eb njer\u00ebzve, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs s\u00eb pron\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt t\u00eb sip\u00ebrfaqes tok\u00ebsore, t\u00eb asaj q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb sht\u00ebpia e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt.<\/p>\n

Kund\u00ebr konceptimit hegelian t\u00eb luft\u00ebs si nj\u00eb e keqe e domosdoshme, si aksioni q\u00eb u mund\u00ebson er\u00ebrave t\u00eb flakin tej qelb\u00ebsirll\u00ebkun <\/em>apo nj\u00eb zjarr rigjenerues q\u00eb shkat\u00ebrron dhe pastron apo si \u201chigjena e vetme e bot\u00ebs<\/em>\u201d me kujtes\u00eb marinetiane, deri shp\u00ebrthim kreativiteti dhe naiviteti, p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilat nuk ka bukuri p\u00ebrve\u00e7se n\u00eb luft\u00eb<\/em>, shfaqet n\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb dramacitetin e tyre kostoja e jet\u00ebve njer\u00ebzore t\u00eb \u2018900, g\u00ebrmadhat q\u00eb kan\u00eb l\u00ebn\u00eb bombardimet dhe sulmet, por edhe vet\u00ebdija e hidhur se ndoshta \u00ebsht\u00eb di\u00e7ka e paheqshme nga shoq\u00ebria njer\u00ebzore. Pas \u201945 nuk ka par\u00eb fundin e konflikteve q\u00eb kan\u00eb vazhduar n\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb bot\u00ebs, pandalsh\u00ebm.<\/p>\n

Kur Picasso, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 manifestit t\u00eb njohur antiluft\u00eb t\u00eb Guernica<\/em>, pikturoi m\u00eb 1951 Masakr\u00ebn n\u00eb Kore<\/em>, n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn paraqet ushtar\u00ebt amerikan\u00eb q\u00eb po vrasin gra dhe f\u00ebmij\u00eb, t\u00eb zhveshur nga shpirti i tyre dhe me armaturat e fothta dhe metalike teksa q\u00ebllojn\u00eb krijesa t\u00eb huamnizuara n\u00eb ekspozimin e tyre t\u00eb mizoris\u00eb, i jep nj\u00eb konceptualizimin ikonik t\u00eb kuptimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb lufte: kund\u00ebrv\u00eb humanizmin dhe dishumanizmin, Erosin dhe Thanatosin. N\u00eb nj\u00eb moment historik ku edhe Lufta e Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore b\u00ebnte t\u00eb ndjeheshin plag\u00ebt e kafshimit t\u00eb saj.<\/p>\n

Megjith\u00ebse nuk ka nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb p\u00ebr ta eliminuar luft\u00ebn nga horizonti njer\u00ebzor, megjithat\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb d\u00ebshp\u00ebruese t\u2019i dor\u00ebzohesh pashmangshm\u00ebris\u00eb t\u00eb s\u00eb keqes, p\u00ebrball\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebs kemi detyrimin moral, si\u00e7 ka shkruar John Erskine, e t\u00eb qenit inteligjent\u00eb dhe t\u00eb mos reshtim s\u00eb p\u00ebrdoruri n\u00eb raportet midis individ\u00ebve, ashtu si n\u00eb kontekstin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, at\u00eb q\u00eb p\u00ebr Kant mbetet e mira m\u00eb e lart\u00eb mbi Tok\u00eb, ar\u00ebsyeja, guri i vet\u00ebm e krahasimit t\u00eb s\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

(nga MicroMega<\/em>)<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrgatiti<\/strong><\/p>\n

ARMIN TIRANA<\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Megjith\u00ebse nuk ka nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb p\u00ebr ta eliminuar luft\u00ebn nga horizonti njer\u00ebzor, megjithat\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb d\u00ebshp\u00ebruese t\u2019i dor\u00ebzohesh pashmangshm\u00ebris\u00eb t\u00eb s\u00eb keqes. Nj\u00eb analiz\u00eb q\u00eb niset nga let\u00ebrk\u00ebmbimi i 1933 midis Sigmund Freud dhe Albert Einstein t\u00eb titulluar pik\u00ebrisht \u201cPse lufta?\u201d. N\u00eb 1932 Lidhja e Kombeve i d\u00ebrgon Institutit Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar p\u00ebr Bashk\u00ebpunimin Intelektual nj\u00eb konfrontim t\u00eb …<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":7264,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"om_disable_all_campaigns":false,"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[42],"tags":[],"aioseo_notices":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/7263"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=7263"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/7263\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/7264"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=7263"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=7263"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=7263"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}