{"id":58771,"date":"2023-10-06T08:50:03","date_gmt":"2023-10-06T08:50:03","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/?p=58771"},"modified":"2023-10-06T08:50:03","modified_gmt":"2023-10-06T08:50:03","slug":"modele-gjeopolitike-perballe","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/2023\/10\/06\/modele-gjeopolitike-perballe\/","title":{"rendered":"Modele gjeopolitike p\u00ebrball\u00eb"},"content":{"rendered":"

Teoricieni kinez Wang Huning ka qen\u00eb nd\u00ebr t\u00eb par\u00ebt q\u00eb ka mb\u00ebshtetur tez\u00ebn sipas s\u00eb cil\u00ebs t\u00eb kuptosh strategjin\u00eb komb\u00ebtare amerikane \u00ebsht\u00eb e nevojshme n\u00eb radh\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn amerikane e t\u00eb q\u00ebnit komb: dometh\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebresh me kujdes stilin e tyre t\u00eb jetes\u00ebs p\u00ebrpara se t\u2019i jap\u00ebsh kredit asaj q\u00eb duket n\u00eb botimet \u201cgjeopolitike\u201d t\u00eb think tank<\/em> t\u00eb tyre. Gjat\u00eb q\u00ebndrimit t\u00eb tij n\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara n\u00eb gjysm\u00ebn e dyt\u00eb t\u00eb viteve \u201980 t\u00eb shekullit t\u00eb kaluar, Huning arrin n\u00eb konkluzionin se themeli i stilit amerikan t\u00eb jetes\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb ideja e pasuris\u00eb apo e begatis\u00eb. Nj\u00eb begati e till\u00eb (n\u00eb dukje apo reale) ruhet vet\u00ebm n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet fluksit t\u00eb vazhduesh\u00ebm t\u00eb kapitalit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar n\u00eb arkat amerikane dhe, p\u00ebr t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb q\u00eb ky fluks t\u00eb ruhet konstant, \u00ebsht\u00eb e nevojshme q\u00eb pozicioni hegjemonist i dollarit t\u00eb mos preket n\u00eb asnj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb burimi real i pushtetit q\u00eb p\u00ebr momentin i mban Shtetet e Bashkuara t\u00eb fort\u00eb dhe t\u00eb begat\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Natyrisht q\u00eb kjo sjell pyetjen: si ka qen\u00eb e mundur t\u00eb arrihet nj\u00eb pozicion i till\u00eb? P\u00ebrgjigja duhet k\u00ebrkuar n\u00eb historin\u00eb bashk\u00ebkohore. N\u00eb fillim t\u00eb Luf\u00ebs s\u00eb Par\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore, Shtetet e Bashkuara qen\u00eb nj\u00ebri prej vendeve me borxhin m\u00eb t\u00eb madh n\u00eb bot\u00eb. Kurse n\u00eb p\u00ebrfundimin e tij, Shtetet e Bashkuara qen\u00eb nj\u00eb vend kreditor n\u00eb planin global. N\u00eb vitin 1917, Antanta mori nga Uashingtoni nj\u00eb linj\u00eb krediti prej 2.3 miliard dollar\u00ebsh. N\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn periudh\u00eb, Gjermania, e mundur n\u00eb Betej\u00ebn e Jutland (1916) dhe tashm\u00eb ju n\u00ebnshtrua bllokimit detar britanik, siguroi pak m\u00eb shum\u00eb se 27 milion doj\u00e7marka n\u00eb ndihma t\u00eb huaja.<\/p>\n

Faktikisht, Shtetet e Bashkuara kan\u00eb qen\u00eb nd\u00ebr t\u00eb par\u00ebt se e kan\u00eb kuptuar luft\u00ebn ekskulizivisht si nd\u00ebrmarrje ekonomike n\u00eb momentin ku perandorit\u00eb tradicionale europiane, ende t\u00eb bindura se fitorja do t\u00eb vendosej vet\u00ebm dhe ekskluzivisht nga forca e ushtrive n\u00eb fush\u00eb (gj\u00eb e mundur vet\u00ebm n\u00eb rastin e \u201cluft\u00ebs rrufe\u201d), qen\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb tashm\u00eb t\u00eb papajtueshme me baz\u00ebn ekonomike t\u00eb kapitalizmit. Pra, Lufta e Par\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore ka qen\u00eb edhe konflikti i pari ku fluksi i kapitalit ka pasur nj\u00eb rol t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm e fluksit t\u00eb gjakut i n\u00ebnkuptuar n\u00eb kuptim letrar t\u00eb termit. Vet\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara nd\u00ebrhyn\u00eb vet\u00ebm n\u00eb momentin ku qen\u00eb tashm\u00eb t\u00eb sigurt\u00eb se nuk do t\u00eb kishte ndonj\u00eb diferenc\u00eb substanciale midis fitimtar\u00ebve dhe humb\u00ebsve (t\u00eb dal\u00eb t\u00eb dy me brinj\u00eb t\u00eb thyera nga konflikti). Kjo sepse objektivi real ishte ai i shkelmimit t\u00eb Britanis\u00eb s\u00eb Madhe nga roli i fuqis\u00eb talasokratike hegjemone n\u00eb planin global. Objektiv q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb arritur vet\u00ebm n\u00eb vijim t\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore dhe pasi q\u00eb vet\u00eb Britania e Madhe (fal\u00eb atij q\u00eb ndoshta gabimisht \u00ebsht\u00eb quajtur si politikan dhe strateg i madh, Uinston \u00c7\u00ebr\u00e7ill) do t\u00eb kontribuoj\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb vendimtare n\u00eb vet\u00ebvrasjen e tij dhe t\u00eb Europ\u00ebs n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi.<\/p>\n

15 gushti i vitit 1971 \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr dat\u00eb themelore p\u00ebr historin\u00eb bashk\u00ebkohore dhe sidomos p\u00ebr q\u00ebllimet e k\u00ebsaj analize. At\u00eb dit\u00eb presidenti Richard Nixon njoftoi mbylljen e s\u00eb ashtuquajtur\u00ebs golden window<\/em> duke prishur lidhjen midis dollarit e arit dhe duke tradh\u00ebtuar sistemin e krijuar n\u00eb Bretton Woods. Duke filluar nga kjo dat\u00eb, Shtetet e Bashkuara kan\u00eb siguruar pushtetin teorik e prerjes s\u00eb dollar\u00ebve sipas qejfit. Jo vet\u00ebm, por n\u00eb vijim t\u00eb konfliktit arabo \u2013 izraelian t\u00eb vitit 1973 dhe t\u00eb nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjeje me OPEC, Shtetet e Bashkuara e ankoruan dollarin pas treg\u00ebtis\u00eb globale t\u00eb naft\u00ebs, duke e transformuar monedh\u00ebn e tyre n\u00eb valut\u00ebn unike p\u00ebr rregullimin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar t\u00eb trafikut petrolifer. Duke vepruar k\u00ebshtu, i kan\u00eb imponuar bot\u00ebs parimin sipas t\u00eb cilit p\u00ebr t\u00eb bler\u00eb naft\u00eb sh\u00ebrbejn\u00eb dollar\u00eb. Pra, n\u00ebse nj\u00eb vend ka nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr naft\u00eb, ka nevoj\u00eb edhe p\u00ebr dollar q\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb blerjen. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim, globalizimi ekonomik ka qen\u00eb rezultati i pashmangsh\u00ebm i globalizimit t\u00eb dollarit.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim, pohon ish gjenerali i Aeronautik\u00ebs i Ushtris\u00eb Popullore \u00c7lirimtare Qiao Lian, Shtetet e Bashkuara i kan\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb jet\u00eb \u201cqytet\u00ebrimit financiar\u201d t\u00eb par\u00eb duke i transformuar t\u00eb gjitha valutat e bot\u00ebs n\u00eb aksesor\u00eb t\u00eb dollarit. Ve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj, duke filluar nga vitet \u201970, kan\u00eb filluar t\u2019i delokalizojn\u00eb industrit\u00eb manifaturiste t\u00eb nivelit t\u00eb ul\u00ebt dhe t\u00eb mesme n\u00eb vendet n\u00eb rrug\u00ebn e zhvillimit (duke favorizuar konsumin e mjedisit dhe resurset) duke mbajtur n\u00eb territorin e tyre vet\u00ebm ato me nj\u00eb vler\u00eb shtes\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb n\u00eb terma teknologjik\u00eb. Efektet e k\u00ebqija e k\u00ebtyre politikave kan\u00eb gjetur m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn q\u00eb t\u00eb reflektojn\u00eb n\u00eb vet\u00eb ekonomin\u00eb amerikane n\u00eb momentin ku kriza e vitit 2007 ka nxjerr\u00eb n\u00eb pah natyr\u00ebn ekskluzivisht \u201cvirtuale\u201d p\u00ebrball\u00eb zerimit t\u00eb sektorit produktiv. Nj\u00eb tendenc\u00eb q\u00eb si administrata Obama, ashtu edhe ajo Trump kan\u00eb k\u00ebrkuar (duke d\u00ebshtuar) ta kund\u00ebrbalancojn\u00eb. P\u00ebr pasoj\u00eb, fatet\/fatkeq\u00ebsit\u00eb amerikane\u00eb kan\u00eb ende shum\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u2019i bazojn\u00eb mbi kapacitetet e Uashingtonit p\u00ebr t\u2019i p\u00ebrq\u00ebnduar\/kanalizuar fluksin e kapitaleve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare duke gjeneruar kriza gjeopolitike dhe eliminuar konkurrent\u00eb potencial\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera, Shtetet e Bashkuara i kan\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00eb \u201cperandorie boshe\u201d totalisht parazitare (n\u00eb vitin 2001, 70% e popullsis\u00eb amerikane punonte n\u00eb sektorin e financ\u00ebs dhe t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbimeve t\u00eb lidhura me t\u00eb) t\u00eb bazuar mbi prodhimin e dollar\u00ebve, nd\u00ebrsa pjesa tjet\u00ebr e bot\u00ebs prodhon mallin q\u00eb k\u00ebmbehet me dollar\u00ebt. \u201cGlobalizimi<\/em> \u2013 pohon Qiao Liang \u2013 nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb tjet\u00ebr ve\u00e7se nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb financiare t\u00eb mbahet peng nga dollari amerikan<\/em>\u201d.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb artikullin e m\u00ebparsh\u00ebm Armiku i Europ\u00ebs<\/em> i \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb referim i madh luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs si \u201ckonflikt amerikan n\u00eb zem\u00ebr t\u00eb Europ\u00ebs\u201d i prirur q\u00eb t\u00eb helmoj\u00eb klim\u00ebn e investimeve n\u00eb Kontinentin e Vjet\u00ebr dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtuar n\u00eb lindje nj\u00eb rival potencialisht t\u00eb rreziksh\u00ebm: euron. Faktikisht, p\u00ebrpara luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, p\u00ebrcjell akoma ish gjenerali kinez, 700 miliard dollar\u00eb v\u00ebrtiteshin n\u00ebp\u00ebr Europ\u00eb pa nj\u00eb vend se ku t\u00eb investoheshin. Me t\u00eb nisur lufta me mb\u00ebshtetjen e qeverive kolaboracioniste europiane (ajo italiane n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb), 400 miliard jan\u00eb t\u00ebrhequr menj\u00ebher\u00eb nga trualli europian. 200 miliard jan\u00eb kthyer menj\u00ebher\u00eb n\u00eb Shtetete Bashkuara. 200 t\u00eb tjera kan\u00eb shkuar n\u00eb Hong Kong, ku disa spekulator\u00eb menj\u00ebher\u00eb e kan\u00eb kapur ta p\u00ebrrdornin qytetin si trampolin\u00eb l\u00ebshuese p\u00ebr t\u2019u futur n\u00eb tregun e Kin\u00ebs kontinentale. Pik\u00ebrisht n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb moment, ardhja e bombardimit t\u00eb \u201crast\u00ebsish\u00ebm\u201d t\u00eb ambasad\u00ebs kineze n\u00eb Beograd nga ana e \u201craketave inteligjente\u201d t\u00eb NATO. Rezultati final: 400 miliard\u00ebt jan\u00eb kthyer t\u00eb gjitha n\u00eb arkat amerikane. N\u00eb n\u00ebntorin e vitit 2000, Saddam Hussein njoftoi se eksportet petrolifere irakiane do t\u00eb rregulloheshin nga euro. Dekreti i pari i qeveris\u00eb irakene i krijuar nga (dhe n\u00ebn) bombat amerikane p\u00ebrcaktoi menj\u00ebher\u00eb rikthimin e menj\u00ebhersh\u00ebm ndaj p\u00ebrdorimit to dollarit p\u00ebr treg\u00ebtimin e naft\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

I nj\u00ebjti diskutim mund t\u2019i aplikohet leht\u00ebsisht kriz\u00ebs ukrainase t\u00eb vitit 2014, e shp\u00ebrthyer n\u00eb nj\u00eb moment ku Shtetet e Bashkuara (ashtu si sot) nuk donin n\u00eb asnj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb kapitali t\u00eb mbetej apo t\u00eb investohej n\u00eb Europ\u00eb. M\u00ebnyra m\u00eb e mir\u00eb p\u00ebr ta shmangur k\u00ebt\u00eb gj\u00eb ishte t\u00eb krijohej nj\u00eb kriz\u00eb rajonale. Nj\u00eb kriz\u00eb q\u00eb ve\u00e7 t\u00eb tjerash e ka detyruar Europ\u00ebn t\u00eb binte dakord me Shtetet e Bashkuara p\u00ebr t\u2019i vendosur sanksione Rusis\u00eb. N\u00eb dit\u00ebt e sotme, vendi i vet\u00ebm q\u00eb i \u00ebsht\u00eb kund\u00ebrv\u00ebn\u00eb k\u00ebsaj loje amerikanoveriore duke k\u00ebrkuar q\u00eb ta interceptoj\u00eb fluksin e kapitaleve \u00ebsht\u00eb Kina. n\u00eb nj\u00eb far\u00eb m\u00ebnyre kjo mund t\u00eb sqaroj\u00eb motivin p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilin ka pasur nj\u00eb intensifikim substancial t\u00eb krizave rajonale p\u00ebrreth gigandit aziatik, nga Hong Kongu tek Taivani.<\/p>\n

Megjithat\u00eb, r\u00ebndimi aktual i kriz\u00ebs ukrainase imponon edhe nj\u00eb lloj tjet\u00ebr reflektimi. Faktikisht, pavar\u00ebsisht nga vullneti per\u00ebndimor p\u00ebr ta ashp\u00ebrsuar sa m\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb e mundur kriza n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet provokimeve (dhe operacioneve \u201cflamur fals\u201d), propagand\u00eb dhe respektim i munguar i marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb Minskut, po asistohet n\u00eb konfrontimin midis dy modeleve t\u00eb kund\u00ebrta p\u00ebr ta interpretuar shkenc\u00ebn gjeopolitike. N\u00eb artikulli e cituar Armiku i Europ\u00ebs<\/em> po i referohet p\u00ebrdorimit t\u00eb krizave gjeopolitike nga ana e Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara si instrumente t\u00eb n\u00ebnshtruar politik\u00ebs monetare. K\u00ebshtu, n\u00eb rastin ukrainas \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrball\u00eb nj\u00eb niveli t\u00eb dyfisht\u00eb manipulimi: gjeografik\/ideologjik dhe financiar. Kriza gjeopolitika nuk ka vet\u00ebm detyr\u00ebn (e fsheht\u00eb) p\u00ebr t\u2019i rrjedhur kapitalet drejt Uashingtonit, duke e dob\u00ebsuar rigjall\u00ebrimin ekonomik t\u00eb Europ\u00ebs paspandemike, por p\u00ebrdoret si instrument p\u00ebr ta mbajtur Europ\u00ebn n\u00eb nj\u00eb kusht \u201cp\u00ebrkeq\u00ebsimi gjeopolitik\u201d brenda shpikjes gjeografiko\/ideologjike t\u00eb Per\u00ebndimit.<\/p>\n

Tani, duke marr\u00eb shtys\u00ebn se realizimi i strategjive globale i fuqive t\u00eb m\u00ebdha varet gjithmon\u00eb nga forca (qe Stalini ai q\u00eb afirmoi \u201ct\u00eb gjith\u00eb traktatet jan\u00eb let\u00ebr e grisur, ajo q\u00eb vlen \u00ebsht\u00eb forca<\/em>\u201d), do t\u00eb jet\u00eb e nevojshme t\u00eb b\u00ebhet nj\u00eb dallim midis nj\u00eb modeli gjeopolitik t\u00eb n\u00ebshtruar financ\u00ebs (p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos u harruar edhe se rr\u00ebzimi i nj\u00eb avioni rus fal\u00eb sistemeve t\u00eb NATO t\u00eb pranish\u00ebm n\u00eb Turqi ka p\u00ebrcaktuar nj\u00eb ikje t\u00eb kapitaleve nga Moska n\u00eb Ankara n\u00eb vitin 2015) dhe nj\u00eb modeli klasik apo tradicional q\u00eb (me hir apo me pahir) lidhet akoma me iden\u00eb e \u00c9lis\u00e9e Reclus sipas t\u00eb cilit gjeografia nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb gj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr se historia n\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00eb dhe me nocionin e lebensraum<\/em> t\u00eb p\u00ebrpunuar nga Friedrich Ratzel.<\/p>\n

Ky koncept meriton nj\u00eb thellim t\u00eb shkurt\u00ebr duke par\u00eb interpretimin e gabuar ndaj t\u00eb cilit i \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00ebnshtruar me q\u00ebllimin e sakt\u00eb e paraqitjes s\u00eb gjeopolitik\u00ebs s\u00eb nj\u00eb lloj pseudoshkence naziste (nj\u00eb operacion q\u00eb ka pak kuptim n\u00ebse merret parasysh se Ratzel vdiq n\u00eb vitin 1904). Lebensraum<\/em> (hap\u00ebsira jetike) \u00ebsht\u00eb thell\u00ebsisht e lidhur me raportin midis njeriut\/popull dhe truallit\/hap\u00ebsir\u00ebs. N\u00eb teorin\u00eb e Ratzel, hap\u00ebsira jetike zhvillojhet p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb dy drejtuesve t\u00eb rritjes (wachstum<\/em>) q\u00eb p\u00ebrfshijn\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha fenomenet e referueshme n\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00eb: nj\u00eb rritje vertikale dhe nj\u00eb horizontale. Fenomenet janl sinjalet jetike t\u00eb lidhjes midis njeriut dhe truallit: fushat e mbjella, por edhe vendet e kultit, shkollave, veprave t\u00eb artit dhe industrit\u00eb. Nga kjo lidhje gjenerohet ideja politike, lidhje shpirt\u00ebrore e shtetit dhe shprehje e lart\u00eb e rritjes vertikale: dometh\u00ebn\u00eb, i vet\u00eb shtetit si organiz\u00ebm shpirt\u00ebror. Kurse rritja horizontale \u00ebsht\u00eb e lidhur me ekspansionin e pastr\u00eb ushtarak dhe me shtetin si organiz\u00ebm biologjik. Megjithat\u00eb, nj\u00eb ekspansion i till\u00eb duhet t\u00eb ndjek\u00eb fenomenet mbi territorin, n\u00eb kuptimin q\u00eb preferoj\u00eb at\u00eb drejtim q\u00eb mund\u00ebson nj\u00eb vijueshm\u00ebri m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe midis qendr\u00ebs dhe periferis\u00eb. Duket qart\u00eb sesi nj\u00eb p\u00ebrpunim i ngjash\u00ebm teorik p\u00ebrkthehet direkt si nj\u00eb d\u00ebnim i imperializmit modern q\u00eb nuk njeh kufij, por vet\u00ebm dhe ekskluzivisht faza sigurie.<\/p>\n

Faktikisht, gjeopolitika e n\u00ebnshtruar financ\u00ebs mb\u00ebshtetet jo mbi ruajtjen e limes<\/em>, por mbi kontrollin dhe menaxhimin e flukseve t\u00eb kapitalit (edhe n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet rekursit t\u00eb forc\u00ebs ushtarake p\u00ebr t\u2019i manipuluar) si instrument p\u00ebr ta kontrolluar fluksin e resurseve n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet nyjeve gjeopolitike (p\u00ebr shembull, Kanalit t\u00eb Suezit apo Ngushtic\u00ebs s\u00eb Malak\u00ebs). N\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtim, gjeopolitika klasike mb\u00ebshtetet mbi kontrollin logjistik t\u00eb fqinjit t\u00eb af\u00ebrt si hap\u00ebsir\u00eb p\u00ebr projektimin e influenc\u00ebs. P\u00ebr shembull, n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim mund t\u00eb inter\u00e7retohet kolonizimi grek i hap\u00ebsir\u00ebs p\u00ebrreth Detit t\u00eb Zi (thelb\u00ebsore p\u00ebr t\u00eb pasur akses n\u00eb grurin e prodhuar nga skit\u00ebt dhe sarmat\u00ebt) n\u00eb lasht\u00ebsi.<\/p>\n

Sot aneksimi rus i Krimes\u00eb (pasi q\u00eb kjo ishte futur brenda kufijve ukrainas vet\u00ebm n\u00eb vitet \u201950 e shekullit t\u00eb kaluar), pavar\u00ebsisht nga ajo e drejt\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare q\u00eb shpesh dhe me d\u00ebshir\u00eb interpretohet gjithmon\u00eb n\u00eb avantazh t\u00eb fuqise hegjemone q\u00eb e ka krijuar, mund dhe duhet t\u00eb interpretohet edhe n\u00eb kuptimin tradicional. Pengimi i nj\u00eb avamposti t\u00eb till\u00eb (pas reduktimit progresiv t\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebs s\u00eb manovr\u00ebs pas r\u00ebnies Bashkimit Sovjetik) t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundoj\u00eb n\u00ebn kontrollin e NATO ka si nj\u00eb ndjenj\u00eb past\u00ebrtisht strategjike, ashtu edhe nj\u00eb vler\u00eb n\u00eb termat e lidhjes shpirt\u00ebrore midis trullit e popullit dhe nj\u00eb riafirmin t\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebs jetike ruse. Ve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj, Rusia ka nevoj\u00eb t\u2019i transportoj\u00eb resurset natyrore t\u00eb saj p\u00ebr t\u2019i hedhur n\u00eb treg dhe promovuar ekonomin\u00eb e saj. Shkurtimi i gazsjell\u00ebsve dhe i naft\u00ebsjell\u00ebsve (at\u00eb q\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara kan\u00eb k\u00ebrkuar t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb me an\u00eb t\u00eb kriz\u00ebs ukrainase), p\u00ebr pasos\u00eb do t\u00eb kishte (dhe ka) nj\u00eb impakt jo vet\u00ebm mbi ekonomin\u00eb ruse, por edhe (dhe ndoshta n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb akoma m\u00eb vendimtare) mbi destinatarin final: Europ\u00ebn Per\u00ebndimore.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebtu hyn n\u00eb loj\u00eb edhe nj\u00eb konsiderat\u00eb tjet\u00ebr. Njohja ruse e republikave popullore t\u00eb Donjeckut dhe Luhanskut (n\u00eb vet\u00ebvete jo t\u00eb kritikueshme se kush p\u00ebr shembull e ka krijuar nga hi\u00e7i Kosov\u00ebn apo Sudanin e Jugut p\u00ebr thjesht oportuniz\u00ebm gjeopolitik) ka nj\u00eb vler\u00eb t\u00eb dyfisht\u00eb. Kjo rilidhet me diskutimin e m\u00ebparsh\u00ebm mbi riafrimimin e hap\u00ebsir\u00ebs jetike ruse (dhe si kryerje t\u00eb nj\u00eb procesi t\u00eb filluar n\u00eb vitin 2014 pas grushtit t\u00eb shtetit atlantist n\u00eb Kiev), si p\u00ebr nj\u00eb projekt m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb p\u00ebrshpejtimi drejt rind\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb rendit global. Duket qart\u00eb se zgjedhja ruse imponohet edhe si nj\u00eb sfid\u00eb e hapur ndaj modelit unipolar. Faktikisht, n\u00eb nj\u00eb moment ku forcohet n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb konstante bashk\u00ebpunimin euraziatik (fal\u00eb sidomos pun\u00ebs diplomatike t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs dhe Iranit), Kremlin demonstron se nuk i frik\u00ebsohet minimalisht nj\u00eb regjimi sanksionues (instrument kryesor i unipolarizmit), q\u00eb si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb paralajm\u00ebruar tashm\u00eb (dhe pavar\u00ebsisht p\u00ebrpjekjeve t\u00eb ndrojtura t\u00eb presidentit francez Emmanuel Macron p\u00ebr ta shp\u00ebtuar Kontinentin e Vjet\u00ebr nga riintegrimi nga kampi atlantik), do t\u00eb shkonte n\u00eb kurriz sidomos t\u00eb t\u00eb mundurit real t\u00eb vet\u00ebm: nj\u00eb Europe t\u00eb paaft\u00eb p\u00ebr ta ruajtur interesin e saj dhe t\u00eb b\u00ebhej pol autonom dhe i pavarur.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb q\u00ebllim b\u00ebhet e nevojshme nj\u00eb konsiderat\u00eb finale p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb se pik\u00ebrisht n\u00eb Europ\u00ebn Per\u00ebndimore shikojn\u00eb nga Rusia me shpres\u00eb t\u00eb tepruar. Megjith\u00ebse duke u paraqitur si nj\u00eb shembull kund\u00ebrv\u00ebnieje ndaj ides\u00eb unipolare, kjo natyrisht q\u00eb ndjek interesin komb\u00ebtar t\u00eb saj. Nuk do t\u00eb jet\u00eb Rusia (edhe deri tejet e durueshme n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim) q\u00eb ta shp\u00ebtoj\u00eb Europ\u00ebn. Megjithat\u00eb, n\u00eb rastin ukrainas, Moska ka merit\u00ebn e v\u00ebnies s\u00eb Europ\u00ebs p\u00ebrpara faktit t\u00eb kryer dhe evidentimit tejmase t\u00eb rolit t\u00eb keq t\u00eb Aleanc\u00ebs Atlantike si instrument shtr\u00ebngues i Kontinentit t\u00eb Vjet\u00ebr.<\/p>\n

(nga Geopoliticus<\/em>)<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrgatiti<\/strong><\/p>\n

ARMIN TIRANA<\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Teoricieni kinez Wang Huning ka qen\u00eb nd\u00ebr t\u00eb par\u00ebt q\u00eb ka mb\u00ebshtetur tez\u00ebn sipas s\u00eb cil\u00ebs t\u00eb kuptosh strategjin\u00eb komb\u00ebtare amerikane \u00ebsht\u00eb e nevojshme n\u00eb radh\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn amerikane e t\u00eb q\u00ebnit komb: dometh\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebresh me kujdes stilin e tyre t\u00eb jetes\u00ebs p\u00ebrpara se t\u2019i jap\u00ebsh kredit asaj q\u00eb duket …<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":58772,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"om_disable_all_campaigns":false,"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[42],"tags":[],"aioseo_notices":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/58771"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=58771"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/58771\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/58772"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=58771"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=58771"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=58771"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}