M\u00eb 14 prill 2023 Evgenij Prigo\u017ein ka botuar n\u00eb kanalet e lidhura tashm\u00eb me t\u00eb famshmin Grup Wagner nj\u00eb artikull doktrinar rreth proceseve gjeopolitike n\u00eb zhvillim jo vet\u00ebm n\u00eb Europ\u00ebn Lindore, por m\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi n\u00eb planin global. Kontributi rezulton me interes t\u00eb madh, pasi shkon thuajse t\u2019i mbivendoset Konceptit t\u00eb Ri t\u00eb Politik\u00ebs s\u00eb Jashtme t\u00eb Federat\u00ebs Ruse t\u00eb l\u00ebshuar nga Kremlini m\u00eb 31 mars t\u00eb po k\u00ebtij viti.<\/p>\n
Respektivisht t\u00eb p\u00ebrpunimeve t\u00eb m\u00ebparshme (19913, 2000, 2008, 2013 dhe 2016), kjo e ndjen n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb vendimtare kushtin e konfrontimit me Per\u00ebndimin mbi teatrat dhe \u201cdomenet\u201d e shumta dhe paraqitet si nj\u00eb \u201cvizion sistematik t\u00eb interesit komb\u00ebtar t\u00eb Federat\u00ebs Ruse\u201d n\u00eb cil\u00ebsin\u00eb e subjektit t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare trash\u00ebgimtare direkte e Bashkimit Sovjetik. Nj\u00eb prej pikave qendrore \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo e lidhur me sigurin\u00eb informatike dhe informative, p\u00ebr t\u2019u kuptuar n\u00eb pranimin m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb t\u00eb \u201csiguris\u00eb kibernetike\u201d. Sipas k\u00ebsaj perspektive, q\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00ebfar\u00eb m\u00ebnyre e refuzon k\u00ebt\u00eb qasje armiq\u00ebsore (si territor konflikti) n\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn kibernetike t\u00eb p\u00ebrpunuar nga NATO n\u00eb Konceptin Strategjik t\u00eb fundit (2022), e gjith\u00eb \u201cinfosfera\u201d b\u00ebhet l\u00ebnd\u00eb e siguris\u00eb komb\u00ebtare dhe instrument e mbrojtjes s\u00eb sovranitetit. Faktikisht, sovraniteti dixhital duket themelor n\u00eb epok\u00ebn e \u201cRevolucionit t\u00eb Kat\u00ebrt Industrial\u201d p\u00ebr nj\u00eb vend q\u00eb po k\u00ebrkon t\u00eb rib\u00ebhet si shtet plot\u00ebsisht sovran i detyruar (kund\u00ebr d\u00ebshir\u00ebs s\u00eb saj) p\u00ebr t\u2019u konfrontuar me entitetin tekno \u2013 merkantile passovran t\u00eb Bashkimit Europian. N\u00eb virtyt t\u00eb thelbit t\u00eb saj past\u00ebrtisht pasmodern,kjo mb\u00ebshtetet mbi cedimin e sovranitetit n\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb nivele: shtetet ia cedojn\u00eb sovranitetin Bashkimit Europian, q\u00eb nga ana e tij, pavar\u00ebsisht p\u00ebrpjekjeve p\u00ebr t\u2019u imponuar si fuqi normative (q\u00eb dikton dhe imponon rregullat n\u00eb planin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar), karakterizohet prej munges\u00ebs s\u00eb sovranitetit real politik, duke qen\u00eb n\u00ebnrajon periferik i zon\u00ebs transatlantike, e n\u00ebnshtruar vullnetit ushtarak t\u00eb nj\u00eb fuqie ekstrakontinentale.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst, artikulli i biznesmenit rus kap nj\u00eb pik\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme, sidomos n\u00eb drit\u00ebn e marrjes s\u00eb rolit t\u00eb referentit direkt n\u00eb konfrontimin dialektik me nivelet drejtuese politike dhe ushtarake ukrainase \u2013 q\u00eb p\u00ebrdit\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnojn\u00eb shkat\u00ebrrimin total t\u00eb kompanis\u00eb s\u00eb tij private ushtarake n\u00eb Bakhmut\/Artemovsk \u2013 dhe m\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi n\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb \u201cPer\u00ebndimin\u201d. Ai q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrkufizuar me tone t\u00eb k\u00ebqija si \u201ckuzhinieri i Putinit\u201d (n\u00eb realitet, Grupi Wagner, n\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunim me GRU, ka luajtur nj\u00eb rol t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm p\u00ebr projektimin gjeopolitik rus n\u00eb kontinentin afrikan dhe p\u00ebr t\u2019i dh\u00ebn\u00eb frym\u00eb strategjis\u00eb s\u00eb rrethimit jugor t\u00eb NATO) pa shum\u00eb loj\u00eb fjal\u00ebsh pojon se baza e politik\u00ebs moderne amerikane \u00ebsht\u00eb neokolonializmi financiar. Megjithat\u00eb, duke periferazuar mendimin e politologut portugezo \u2013 amerikan Nuno P. Monteiro (p\u00ebrkrah\u00ebs i \u00e7astit polar, Shtetet e Bashkuara kan\u00eb kaluar nga nj\u00eb gjendje \u201cdominimi sulmues\u201d n\u00eb nj\u00eb \u201cdominim mbrojt\u00ebs\u201d, n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn pushteti ekonomik i r\u00ebn\u00eb vazhdon megjithat\u00eb t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbej\u00eb si kund\u00ebraltar nj\u00eb struktur\u00eb t\u00eb sistemit global q\u00eb i sheh ende n\u00eb pozicion hegjemonist, sidomos edhe fal\u00eb nj\u00eb force t\u00eb paprekur teknologjiko \u2013 ushtarake. Kjo ka p\u00ebrcaktuar edhe kalimin e eksportimit agresiv t\u00eb modelit demokratik ndaj vullnetit p\u00ebr ta ruajtur hegjemonin\u00eb me \u00e7do kusht, duke e b\u00ebr\u00eb rendin liberal m\u00eb konservator (lidhur me k\u00ebt\u00eb, nuk duhet t\u00eb habis\u00eb proliferimi i tezave politike t\u00eb frym\u00ebzuara nga nj\u00eb lloj konservatorizmi t\u00eb ri t\u00eb mark\u00ebs hebraiko \u2013 amerikane).<\/p>\n
N\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre premisave, objektivi i Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara n\u00eb konfliktin ukrainas, par\u00eb pamund\u00ebsin\u00eb substanciale p\u00ebr ta sulmuar\/pushtuar territorin rus n\u00eb totalitetin e tij (sipas Katerin\u00ebs s\u00eb II m\u00ebnyra m\u00eb e mir\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbrojtur kufijt\u00eb rus\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr t\u2019i zgjeruar m\u00eb tej), \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo e shp\u00ebrthimit t\u00eb \u201cimpulseve t\u00eb fuqishme centrifuge\u201d (si\u00e7 ndodhi me Bashkimin Sovjetik n\u00eb vitet \u201880) q\u00eb mund ta dob\u00ebsojn\u00eb shtetin dhe qeverin\u00eb ruse duke shfryt\u00ebzuar \u201ckolon\u00ebn e pest\u00eb liberale\u201d ende t\u00eb pranishme brenda Federat\u00ebs, megjith\u00ebse e \u00e7artikuluar (dhe n\u00eb deficit konsensusi) nga politikat \u201cputiniane\u201d e viteve t\u00eb fundit.<\/p>\n
P\u00ebr t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb, sipas Prigo\u017ein (q\u00eb megjithat\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb protagonist n\u00eb raste t\u00eb ndryshme konfrontimesh t\u00eb ndezura me nivelet drejtuese t\u00eb Federat\u00ebs dhe me kompani t\u00eb tjera private q\u00eb operonin n\u00eb Donbas t\u00eb konsideruara pak efikase), Per\u00ebndimi po synon me forc\u00ebn e tij mbi luft\u00ebn informatike, duke k\u00ebrkuar ta tregoj\u00eb me lenten e saj t\u00eb zmadhimit d\u00ebshtimin rus n\u00eb konfliktin ushtarak n\u00eb zhvillim dhe paaft\u00ebsin\u00eb e Mosk\u00ebs n\u00eb arritjen e objektivave t\u00eb saj. Kjo sepse, n\u00ebse Rusia demonstron se nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e fort\u00eb n\u00eb planin ushtarak, askush nuk do t\u2019i marr\u00eb seriozisht planet e saj t\u00eb rishikimit t\u00eb sistemit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar n\u00eb optik\u00eb multipolare (pakashum\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin tip kurthi ku k\u00ebrkohet t\u00eb\u00a0 t\u00ebrhiqet Kina me nj\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje eventuale p\u00ebr nj\u00eb aneksim thuajse problematik\u00a0manu militari<\/em>\u00a0t\u00eb Taivanit). Nj\u00eb presupozim i till\u00eb strategjik (e v\u00ebrtetuar nga prodhimet v\u00ebllimore t\u00eb \u201cthink tank<\/em>\u201d t\u00eb financuara ndjesh\u00ebm nga kompleksi industrialo \u2013 ushtarak veriamerikan) e shmang me dijeni njohjen e faktit q\u00eb momenti unipolar (i filluar me r\u00ebnien e Bashkimit Sovjetik n\u00eb 1991) ka p\u00ebrfunduar tashm\u00eb me kolapsin ekonomik per\u00ebndimor t\u00eb 2008. Pra, realizimi progresiv i multipolaritetit \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb proces tashml gjer\u00ebsisht n\u00eb zhvillim. Megjithat\u00eb, b\u00ebhet e nevojshme t\u00eb \u201ckuptohet se deri n\u00eb \u00e7far\u00eb pike multipolarizmi po b\u00ebhet tashm\u00eb modus vivendi i nj\u00eb numri pakashum\u00eb t\u00eb kufizuar vendesh e rajonesh dhe kur rendi multipolar do t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtohet m\u00eb s\u00eb fundi<\/em>\u201d.<\/p>\n Duke u kthyer n\u00eb kontekstin ukrainas, Prigo\u017ein thekson nevoj\u00ebn e transmetimit t\u00eb ides\u00eb (si nga brenda, ashtu edhe nga jasht\u00eb) sen\u00eb realitet Rusia ka arritur tashm\u00eb shum\u00eb prej objektivave t\u00eb paracaktuara: kontrollin total t\u00eb Detit Azov; p\u00ebrjashtimin e NATO nga nj\u00eb fash\u00eb e gjer\u00eb veriore e Detit t\u00eb Zi (duke penguar n\u00eb fakt q\u00eb ky t\u00eb transformohej n\u00eb nj\u00eb liqen t\u00eb Aleanc\u00ebs Atlantike); vijueshm\u00ebrin\u00eb territoriale midis Rusis\u00eb, Donbasit dhe Krimes\u00eb; eliminimin e aksionit (midis vdekjeve, plagosjeve dhe t\u00eb ikurve) e pjes\u00ebs m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb popullsis\u00eb mashkullore aktive ukrainase. Natyrisht, njihen edhe efektet e pad\u00ebshiruar t\u00eb Operacionit Ushtarak Special. N\u00eb ve\u00e7anti, proceset e transformimit t\u00eb Ukrain\u00ebs n\u00eb nj\u00eb shtet ultranacionalist, t\u00eb filluara pas \u201cEuromaidanit\u201d, kan\u00eb p\u00ebsuar nj\u00eb p\u00ebrshpejtim t\u00eb m\u00ebtejsh\u00ebm. Dhe n\u00ebse m\u00eb par\u00eb Per\u00ebndimi ishte ngurrues n\u00eb d\u00ebrgimin e ndihmave t\u00eb tepruara, sot Kievi mund t\u00eb g\u00ebzoj\u00eb nj\u00eb fluks arm\u00ebsh dhe parash\u00eb t\u00eb pand\u00ebrprer\u00eb t\u00eb nevojsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb ushqyer sistemin korruptiv q\u00eb mban n\u00eb k\u00ebmb\u00eb nivele politike q\u00eb mbijetojn\u00eb fal\u00eb konfliktit.<\/p>\n Pavar\u00ebsisht k\u00ebsaj, nivelet e sip\u00ebrp\u00ebrmenduara politike, sipas Prigo\u017ein, kan\u00eb nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb \u201cfitore reale\u201d q\u00eb justifikon n\u00eb nj\u00ebfar\u00eb m\u00ebnyre humbjet e m\u00ebdha t\u00eb p\u00ebsuara. K\u00ebtu roli i konfrontimit mbi infosfer\u00ebn kthehet predominues. Faktikisht kreu i Wagner pyet se p\u00ebr pfar\u00eb motivi Zelensky dhe bashk\u00ebpun\u00ebtor\u00eb vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb \u201csakrifikojn\u00eb\u201d\u00a0 repartet e tyre n\u00eb tmerrin e Bakhmut, megjith\u00ebse po t\u00eb nj\u00ebtjit drejtues politike ukrainas, ashtu edhe shum\u00eb \u201canalist\u00eb ushtarak\u00eb\u201d per\u00ebndimor\u00eb ia kan\u00eb zhvler\u00ebsuar vler\u00ebn strategjike. N\u00eb realitet, qyteti \u00ebsht\u00eb pjes\u00eb integruese dhe aktive e t\u00eb ashtuquajturit \u201cunaz\u00eb t\u00eb Donbasit\u201d: nj\u00eb zon\u00eb masivisht e fortifikuar duke filluar nga 2014 q\u00eb p\u00ebrfshin ve\u00e7 t\u00eb tjerash Severskun, Slavyanskun e Kramatorskun. Kapja e Bakhmutit, edhe sipas Prigo\u017ein, nuk do t\u00eb rezultoj\u00eb vendimtare mbi fatet e konfliktit: nuk do ta hap\u00eb as rrug\u00ebn drejt Dnieprit, as drejt \u00e7lirimit t\u00eb plot\u00eb t\u00eb Donbasit. Megjithat\u00eb, do t\u2019u mund\u00ebsonte forcave ruse t\u00eb garantonin pozicione mbrojt\u00ebse v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb sulmueshme n\u00eb nj\u00eb rajon t\u00eb cilit natyra nuk ia ka dhuruar \u201clumenj\u201d t\u00eb pakaluesh\u00ebm. Pra, do t\u2019u mund\u00ebsonte rus\u00ebve t\u00eb mund t\u00eb rezistonin me tepri, t\u00eb (ri)nd\u00ebrtonte rajonet e aneksuara dhe t\u00eb procedonte me asimilimin e tyre.<\/p>\n Rrethimi i leht\u00eb i Bakhmutit ka gjithashtu merit\u00ebn e vonimit t\u00eb shum\u00eb publicizuar\u00ebs ofensiv\u00eb ukrainase, objektivat e s\u00eb cil\u00ebs, pavar\u00ebsisht fluksit t\u00eb njer\u00ebzve, mjeteve dhe proklamimeve triumfuese t\u00eb fitores, vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb ridimensionohen me kalimin e koh\u00ebs: nga ripushtimi i Krimes\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb \u00e7uar t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn gjuajtje t\u00eb artileris\u00eb s\u00eb Kievit. Ve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj, n\u00eb dit\u00ebt e sotme, pavar\u00ebsisht p\u00ebrpjekjeve t\u00eb NATO, rezulton tejet e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb vler\u00ebsuar kapacitete reale sulmuese t\u00eb ushtris\u00eb ukrainase. Kjo faktikisht paraqitet si nj\u00eb mas\u00eb tejet heterogjene t\u00eb reparteve ekstreme dhe jasht\u00ebzakonisht t\u00eb p\u00ebrgatitur\u00a0 t\u00eb alternuar me t\u00eb tjer\u00eb st\u00ebrvitja e t\u00eb cilave rezulton n\u00eb p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsimin e rasteve difektoz. I nj\u00ebjti fluks i konsideruesh\u00ebm i armatimeve ka v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb dispozicion t\u00eb Kievit si mjete t\u00eb mira dhe me vler\u00eb teknologjike, ashtu edhe mbeturina luftarake t\u00eb vjetra prej disa dekadash. K\u00ebsaj i shtohet fakti q\u00eb ofensiva eventuale e ardhshme, e privuar nga mb\u00ebshtetja reale ajrore, do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetet vet\u00ebm mbi v\u00ebllimin e mas\u00ebs njer\u00ebzore dhe t\u00eb mjeteve t\u00eb shkarkuesh\u00ebm mbi pozicionet ruse. P\u00ebr ta b\u00ebr\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb, Kievi ka nevoj\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtoj\u00eb \u201cmite\u201d. Pra, sot ka nevoj\u00eb ta transformoj\u00eb Bakhmutin n\u00eb nj\u00eb simbol rezistence t\u00eb dobish\u00ebm p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrtimin e fes\u00eb s\u00eb tij ultranacionaliste, n\u00eb gjurm\u00ebt e asaj q\u00eb ka b\u00ebr\u00eb me Azovstalin n\u00eb Mariupol.<\/p>\n Pik\u00ebrisht Azovstali p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson nj\u00eb shembull t\u00eb mir\u00eb p\u00ebr at\u00eb q\u00eb ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me nd\u00ebrtimin e propagand\u00ebs s\u00eb pal\u00ebve n\u00eb konflikt. Faktikisht n\u00eb an\u00ebn ruse nuk kan\u00eb munguar p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimet q\u00eb i paraqisnin ushtar\u00ebt e Batalionit Azov si t\u00eb ndihmuar nga forca satanike. Nj\u00eb k\u00ebng\u00eb popullore ruse bashk\u00ebkohore, jo rast\u00ebsisht, thot\u00eb se \u201cne Azovstal kemi varrosur djajt\u00eb\u201d. Kjo duhet t\u2019u b\u00ebnet mir\u00eb ides\u00eb s\u00eb perceptimit ekzistencial\/metafizik t\u00eb konfliktit q\u00eb zhvillohet nga ana tjet\u00ebr e \u201cPerdes s\u00eb Hekurt\u201d t\u00eb re. Ar\u00ebsye p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebn, sipas Prigo\u017ein, nuk mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb asnj\u00eb kompromis, por vet\u00ebm, uron ai, nj\u00eb \u201ckonfrontim t\u00eb ndersh\u00ebm\u201d. Ve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj, Moska nuk mund t\u00eb pranoj\u00eb asnj\u00eb negociat\u00eb, bile b\u00ebhet e nevojshme prova e sulmit ukrainas pasi nga rezultati i saj mund t\u00eb vler\u00ebsohet n\u00ebse d\u00ebshirat p\u00ebr protagoniz\u00ebm e Rusis\u00eb n\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimin e rendit t\u00eb ardhsh\u00ebm global do t\u00eb mbesin t\u00eb tilla apo n\u00ebse mund t\u00eb transformohen n\u00eb realitet.<\/p>\n (nga Geopoliticus<\/em>)<\/p>\n P\u00ebrgatiti<\/strong><\/p>\n ARMIN TIRANA<\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" M\u00eb 14 prill 2023 Evgenij Prigo\u017ein ka botuar n\u00eb kanalet e lidhura tashm\u00eb me t\u00eb famshmin Grup Wagner nj\u00eb artikull doktrinar rreth proceseve gjeopolitike n\u00eb zhvillim jo vet\u00ebm n\u00eb Europ\u00ebn Lindore, por m\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi n\u00eb planin global. Kontributi rezulton me interes t\u00eb madh, pasi shkon thuajse t\u2019i mbivendoset Konceptit t\u00eb Ri t\u00eb Politik\u00ebs s\u00eb …<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":49427,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"om_disable_all_campaigns":false,"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[42],"tags":[],"aioseo_notices":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/49426"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=49426"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/49426\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/49427"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=49426"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=49426"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=49426"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}