{"id":45633,"date":"2023-05-11T09:04:42","date_gmt":"2023-05-11T09:04:42","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/?p=45633"},"modified":"2023-05-11T09:04:42","modified_gmt":"2023-05-11T09:04:42","slug":"kriza-demokratike-franceze-dhe-reperkusionet-ne-politiken-e-jashtme","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/2023\/05\/11\/kriza-demokratike-franceze-dhe-reperkusionet-ne-politiken-e-jashtme\/","title":{"rendered":"\u201cKriza demokratike\u201d franceze dhe reperkusionet n\u00eb politik\u00ebn e jashtme"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>Situata politike n\u00eb Franc\u00ebn e sotme shpesh kualifikohet si \u201ckriz\u00eb demokratike\u201d. Adoptimi i reform\u00ebs s\u00eb sistemit pensionist n\u00eb mesin e prillit ka ngjallur nj\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtim t\u00eb fort\u00eb, si n\u00eb parim, ashtu edhe n\u00eb form\u00eb. Rekursi i besimit p\u00ebr ta kaluar tekstin n\u00eb Asamblen\u00eb Konb\u00ebtare \u00ebsht\u00eb perceptuar si nj\u00eb forcatur\u00eb. Kjo situat\u00eb ka provokuar nj\u00eb polarizim t\u00eb fort\u00eb midis n\u00eb presidenti t\u00eb Republik\u00ebs, Emmanuel Macron, q\u00eb ec\u00ebn drejt duke rivendikuar dhe jopopullaritetin e reformave, dhe nj\u00eb opozite t\u00eb p\u00ebrhapur t\u00eb karakterizuar nga unioni sindikal q\u00eb ka organizuar nj\u00eb kontestim t\u00eb vazhduesh\u00ebm. Plakja e popullsis\u00eb dhe ndryshimet demografike p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb <em>ration<\/em> e reform\u00ebs s\u00eb pensioneve, sipas idhtar\u00ebve. E djathta kishte mbrojtur gjithmon\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb vizion dhe Emmanuel Macron e kishte b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb pik\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme t\u00eb fushatave elektorale t\u00eb tij si n\u00eb 2017, ashtu edhe n\u00eb 2022. I shtyr\u00eb nga vullneti i tij, Macron e ka \u00e7uar p\u00ebrpara k\u00ebt\u00eb reform\u00eb, por kjo form\u00eb e vendimmarrjes ka shkaktuar mospraninin e pal\u00ebve sociale dhe thekson polarizimin kund\u00ebr figur\u00ebs s\u00eb presidentit.<\/p>\n<p>Pas reform\u00ebs kushtetuese t\u00eb vitit 2000, figura presidenciale n\u00eb Franc\u00eb duket se kishte fituar nj\u00eb pesh\u00eb funksionale t\u00eb m\u00ebtejshme, duke e zhveshur n\u00eb pjes\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe kryeministrin dhe ministrat p\u00ebr t\u00eb grupuar detyrat thelb\u00ebsore, edhe t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb brendshme, p\u00ebrreth kabinetit presidencial. B\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb forcatur\u00eb jo t\u00eb parashikuar nga kushtetuta e Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Pest\u00eb dhe q\u00eb ngre dy lloje problemesh. N\u00eb kontekstin e globalizimit dhe nj\u00eb fluiditeti t\u00eb fort\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, aft\u00ebsit\u00eb qeveris\u00ebse komb\u00ebtare shpesh duken t\u00eb kufizuar dhe kjo ndodh me nj\u00eb Franc\u00eb q\u00eb ka v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb organizuar nj\u00eb form\u00eb influence strategjike. Ve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj, duhet regjistruar k\u00ebrkesa n\u00eb rritje nga ana e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb me forma ushtrimi t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb pjesm\u00ebarr\u00ebse dhe t\u00eb hapura. Mund t\u00eb rezultoj\u00eb paradoksale p\u00ebr nj\u00eb vend me 68 milion banor\u00eb q\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb se mund t\u00eb funksionoj\u00eb sisteme demokracie direkte t\u00eb tipit zviceran, por kjo e dh\u00ebn\u00eb e vendos me forc\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e p\u00ebrfshirjes s\u00eb demokracis\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuese n\u00eb Franc\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>\u00cbsht\u00eb e natyrshme q\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst rritjeje t\u00eb dukshme t\u00eb pushtetit presidenciav b\u00ebn me grushta me nj\u00eb tendenc\u00eb m\u00eb parlamentare q\u00eb shpesh invokohet, edhe nga vet\u00eb presidenti n\u00eb fuqi. Nga k\u00ebtu vjen pjesa m\u00eb e madhe e analitik\u00ebs s\u00eb \u201ckriz\u00ebs demokratike\u201d, dometh\u00ebn\u00eb si e nj\u00eb perceptimi t\u00eb nj\u00eb distance midis pritjeve demokratike dhe praktik\u00ebs aktuale politiko \u2013 institucionale. Zgjedhja e Emmanuel Macron mund t\u00eb shpjegohet si nj\u00eb bast politik: presidenti mendon ta tejkaloj\u00eb edhe nj\u00eb her\u00eb akoma penges\u00ebn, besimplot\u00eb se m\u00eb pas rrjedha e m\u00ebpasme e ngjarje do ta zhduke pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsin\u00eb dhe do t\u2019i mund\u00ebsoj\u00eb t\u00eb vazhdoj\u00eb. Ve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj, p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb nga reforma e vitit 2000 Franca ka nj\u00eb president t\u00eb zgjedhur p\u00ebr nj\u00eb mandat t\u00eb dyt\u00eb, gj\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00ebnkupton q\u00eb edhe nuk do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb konkurroj\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb her\u00eb t\u00eb tret\u00eb radhazi. K\u00ebshtu q\u00eb Macron ndjehet i lir\u00eb t\u00eb punoj\u00eb p\u00ebr trash\u00ebgimin\u00eb e tij politike, por gj\u00ebja mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsoj\u00eb edhe nj\u00eb problem. Presidenti nuk duhet t\u00eb preokupohet p\u00ebr popullaritetin e zgjedhjeve t\u00eb tij t\u00eb masave n\u00eb pritje t\u00eb zgjedhjeve t\u00eb ardhshme, tek t\u00eb cilat nuk do t\u00eb marr\u00eb pjes\u00eb dhe ku nuk duket as i prirur t\u00eb promovoj\u00eb nj\u00eb \u201cdelfin\u201d, por mbyllja, edhe e p\u00ebrkohshme, e hap\u00ebsir\u00ebs politike macroniane ofron nj\u00eb fush\u00eb t\u00eb hapur opozitave q\u00eb munden, Marine Le Pen n\u00eb krye, t\u00eb kal\u00ebrojn\u00eb val\u00ebn e pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsive.<\/p>\n<p>Duhet zbuluar edhe sesi \u201cstili Macron\u201d ka efekte t\u00eb diskutueshme n\u00eb politik\u00ebn e jashtme. Sigurisht, pas zgjedhjeve t\u00eb 2017 Emmanuel Macron g\u00ebzonte nj\u00eb kapital politik n\u00eb nivel europian q\u00eb nuk ka ditur ta shfryt\u00ebzoj\u00eb. Edhe n\u00eb kontekstin diplomatik ka dashur t\u00eb imponoj\u00eb nj\u00eb vizion reformist t\u00eb tijin t\u00eb menduar s\u00eb frym\u00ebzues. Promovimi i konceptit t\u00eb \u201cautonomis\u00eb strategjike europiane\u201d na jep nj\u00eb shembull t\u00eb mir\u00eb. Tema u shfaq n\u00eb kontekstin e presidenc\u00ebs Chirac (1995 \u2013 2007), por \u00ebsht\u00eb me Emmanuel Macron q\u00eb do t\u00eb njoh\u00eb nj\u00eb fat t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb. Qysh n\u00eb konferenc\u00ebn e mbasador\u00ebve t\u00eb shtatorit 2018, presidenti i sapozgjedhur e b\u00ebn nj\u00eb pik\u00eb q\u00ebndrore t\u00eb vizionit gjeopolitik francez. Pasi ka privuar t\u00eb vendos\u00eb nj\u00eb raport t\u00eb privilegjuar me Donald Trump n\u00eb 2017, Elizeu ka v\u00ebn\u00eb pik\u00ebpyetje mbi q\u00ebndrueshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e Aleanc\u00ebs Atlantike dhe ka k\u00ebrkuar t\u00eb p\u00ebrkufizoj\u00eb nj\u00eb koncept sigurie europiane komplementar, n\u00eb mos alternativ. Ideja \u00ebsht\u00eb oritur me nj\u00eb maturi relative nga ana e aleat\u00ebve europian\u00eb, t\u00eb preokupuar nga evolucioni amerikan, por nj\u00ebherazi ngurrues p\u00ebr ta prishur me NATO dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb transformzar m\u00eb pas n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet nj\u00eb serie evolucionesh q\u00eb ia kan\u00eb sigurar nj\u00eb lloj q\u00ebndrueshm\u00ebrie.<\/p>\n<p>Pandemia e 2020 ka nxjerr\u00eb n\u00eb pah sidomos n\u00eb debatin francez nevoja e promovimit t\u00eb kapacitetit t\u00eb prodhimit industrial autonom, edhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos i varur nga Kina. n\u00ebse ky vizion \u00ebsht\u00eb aplikuar paras\u00ebgjithash ndaj vaksinave dhe dispozitiv\u00ebve mjek\u00ebsor\u00eb, ka kontribuar megjithat\u00eb p\u00ebr ta rritur v\u00ebmendjen n\u00eb Europ\u00eb mbi nj\u00eb koncept autonomie strategjike t\u00eb n\u00ebnkuptuar si mbrojtje t\u00eb sistemit prodhues strategjik: nj\u00eb form\u00eb \u201csovraniteti teknologjik\u201d edhe larg nga koncepti i mbrojtjes autonome europiane t\u00eb lan\u00e7uar nga Emmanuel Macron n\u00eb vitin 2018. Do t\u00eb ket\u00eb pastaj nj\u00eb lloj shkrirjeje midis prodhimeve civile dhe ushtarake p\u00ebr ta forcuar k\u00ebt\u00eb politike \u201cautonomie strategjike\u201d pat\u00ebrtisht industriale. Ardhja e Joe Biden n\u00eb presidenc\u00ebn amerikane n\u00eb fundin e 2020 dhe roli i rinovuar i garantit t\u00eb siguris\u00eb ushtarake europiane t\u00eb luajtur nga Shtetet e Bashkuara n\u00eb kontekstin e pushtimit rus t\u00eb Ukrain\u00ebs kan\u00eb p\u00ebrfunduar p\u00ebr ta forcuar konsensusin rreth vizionit t\u00eb nj\u00eb autonomie \u201cindustriale\u201d, duke vendosur n\u00eb sirtar mbrojtjen autonome. N\u00eb disa aspekte mund t\u00eb konsiderojm\u00eb k\u00ebsht\u00eb se Franca ka sh\u00ebrbyer si hap\u00ebs rruge, por m\u00eb pasi \u00ebsht\u00eb dashur t\u00eb konstatoj\u00eb se nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje e caktuar nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare \u00ebsht\u00eb arritur vet\u00ebm mbi nj\u00eb version t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm t\u00eb konceptit fillestar.<\/p>\n<p>E gjitha kjo mund\u00ebson t\u00eb ilustrohen pika t\u00eb ndryshme. E para \u00ebsht\u00eb se Franca ka v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsi t\u00eb m\u00ebdha ta t\u00ebrheq\u00eb politikisht pjes\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr e Bashkimit Europian. N\u00eb disa aspekte kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb fiziologjike, pasi sot Franca duket si nj\u00eb vend mjaft i ve\u00e7ant\u00eb n\u00eb kontekstin e Bashkimi Europian: \u00ebsht\u00eb e vetmja q\u00eb posedon arm\u00ebn atomike, por edhe q\u00eb mendon p\u00ebr nj\u00eb strategji v\u00ebrtet globale, at\u00eb q\u00eb shum\u00eb e gjykojn\u00eb si \u201ct\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me grushta me kategorin\u00eb superiore\u201d, nj\u00eb kategori ku Franca nuk do t\u00eb merrte pjes\u00eb n\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb shum\u00eb kritereve t\u00eb tjera. Vendet e tjera an\u00ebtare t\u00eb Bashkimit Europian e mendojn\u00eb faktikisht ndryshe dhe nuk e ndajn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb qasje: shpesh ndjehen t\u00eb bezdisur nga nj\u00eb rebelim i caktuar francez dhe k\u00ebshtu \u00ebsht\u00eb normale q\u00eb Franca ka v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsi t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtoj\u00eb konsensus, edhe pse nuk duket e prirur t\u00eb ndjek\u00eb kompromiset e nevojshme europiane. Edhe pse vizionet dhe analizat franceze mund t\u00eb duken shpesh si t\u00eb bazuara, Parisi ka v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsi t\u2019i transformoj\u00eb n\u00eb axhend\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt dhe t\u00eb pranuar.<\/p>\n<p>Mbi k\u00ebt\u00eb t\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb bazike futet edhe stili personal i nj\u00eb Emmanuel Macron, q\u00eb si n\u00eb politik\u00ebn e jashtme, ashtu si n\u00eb politik\u00ebn e brendshme, tenton t\u00eb konceptohet si bart\u00ebs i nj\u00eb vizioni reformist q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb triumfoj\u00eb prej drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb tij, por pa u mb\u00ebshtetur shum\u00eb mbi ndjeshm\u00ebri diplomatike, por edhe nga virtytet e heshtjes dhe t\u00eb koh\u00ebs. Nga k\u00ebtu p\u00ebr shembull edhe episodi i trishtuar i intervistave t\u00eb dh\u00ebna nga vizita e fundit n\u00eb Kin\u00eb, ku Macron e l\u00eb veten t\u00eb kaloj\u00eb n\u00eb komente q\u00eb, si\u00e7 i ndodh shpesh, rivendikojn\u00eb nj\u00eb koherenc\u00eb inoksidab\u00ebl me pozicionet tashm\u00eb t\u00eb shprehura n\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn, duke marr\u00eb versionin \u201ctrumpian\u201d t\u00eb autonomis\u00eb strategjike europiane, at\u00eb t\u00eb mbrojtjes. Efekti \u00ebsht\u00eb devijues, pas ngjall preokupimin, n\u00eb mos zem\u00ebrimin, e aleat\u00ebve: b\u00ebhet kund\u00ebrprodhues p\u00ebr formulimin e politik\u00ebs franceze n\u00eb Europ\u00eb, sikur Emmanuel Macron t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb \u201cantidiplomat\u201d.<\/p>\n<p>Pra ekziston nj\u00eb lidhje e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme midis politik\u00ebs s\u00eb brendshme dhe asaj t\u00eb jashtme franceze, ajo e nj\u00eb rregulli presidencial q\u00eb synon t\u00eb imponoj\u00eb \u201cracionalisht\u201d nj\u00eb form\u00eb \u201creformizmi\u201d, duke menduar se m\u00eb pas do t\u00eb arrij\u00eb t\u00eb prodhoj\u00eb nj\u00eb efekt t\u00ebrheq\u00ebs. N\u00eb rastin kur planetet vihen n\u00eb nj\u00eb vij\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb, funksionon, ama pjes\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb her\u00ebve kjo sjellje e b\u00ebn pozicionin francez t\u00eb sikletsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr thuajse t\u00eb gjith\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebt e Bashkimit Europian dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebkat i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, si pse analizat franceze mb\u00ebshteten mbi nj\u00eb seri element\u00ebsh krejt\u00ebsisht imagjinar\u00eb, edhe kur k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb nj\u00eb rrug\u00eb europiane n\u00eb kontekstin global, por edhe pse qasja franceze p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson shpesh nj\u00eb faktor bllokues n\u00eb kontekstin e Bashkimit Europian, duke shkaktuar shum\u00eb mosbesim. Pik\u00ebrisht n\u00eb skenarin komb\u00ebtar, gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb pluralist, konteksti i Bashkimit Europian me 27 an\u00ebtar\u00eb, q\u00eb m\u00eb pas do t\u00eb zgjerohet m\u00eb tej, k\u00ebrkon nj\u00eb qasje m\u00eb pjes\u00ebmarr\u00ebse, pajtuese dhe t\u00eb hapur p\u00ebr kompromise. Do t\u00eb b\u00ebhej fjal p\u00ebr nj\u00eb evolucion t\u00eb konsideruesh\u00ebm p\u00ebr nj\u00eb diplomaci franceze tep\u00ebr shpesh e prirur t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsoj\u00eb interesat e Franc\u00ebs dhe, p\u00ebr pasoj\u00eb, t\u00eb presidenc\u00ebs s\u00eb Republik\u00ebs, pa e v\u00ebn\u00eb funksionin nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsues n\u00eb vendin e par\u00eb dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb diskutim q\u00eb duhet zgjeruar n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha qeverit\u00eb e Bashkimit Europian t\u00eb tentuara nga forma shpagimi nacionalist, si n\u00eb rastin e qeveris\u00eb aktuale italiane.<\/p>\n<p>Nj\u00eb evolucion i till\u00eb stili dhe parimi do t\u00eb ishte kushti si p\u00ebr nj\u00eb influenc\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe franceze, ashtu edhe p\u00ebr n\u00eb kapacitet t\u00eb p\u00ebrforcuar t\u00eb Bashkimit Europian n\u00eb kontekstin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar. Sikur efikasiteti i \u201cstrategjis\u00eb\u201d franceze t\u00eb ishte kush\u00ebtzuar nga aft\u00ebsia e Franc\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb m\u00ebsuar ta tejkaloj\u00eb qasjen e saj tradicionale: paradoks jo i pak\u00ebt ku megjithat\u00eb edhe t\u00eb gjith\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebt e tjer\u00eb t\u00eb Bashkimit Europian do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb meditonin.<\/p>\n<p>(nga <em>Aspen Institute<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p><strong>P\u00ebrgatiti<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>ARMIN TIRANA<\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Situata politike n\u00eb Franc\u00ebn e sotme shpesh kualifikohet si \u201ckriz\u00eb demokratike\u201d. Adoptimi i reform\u00ebs s\u00eb sistemit pensionist n\u00eb mesin e prillit ka ngjallur nj\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtim t\u00eb fort\u00eb, si n\u00eb parim, ashtu edhe n\u00eb form\u00eb. Rekursi i besimit p\u00ebr ta kaluar tekstin n\u00eb Asamblen\u00eb Konb\u00ebtare \u00ebsht\u00eb perceptuar si nj\u00eb forcatur\u00eb. Kjo situat\u00eb ka provokuar nj\u00eb polarizim &hellip;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":45634,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"om_disable_all_campaigns":false,"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[42],"tags":[],"aioseo_notices":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/45633"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=45633"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/45633\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/45634"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=45633"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=45633"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=45633"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}