Kosova dhe Serbia duket se kan\u00eb gjetur marr\u00ebveshjen q\u00eb do t\u00eb mund\u00ebsoj\u00eb normalizimin e raporteve t\u00eb tyre. Mir\u00ebkuptimi, vet\u00ebm verbal, \u00ebsht\u00eb arritur m\u00eb 27 shkurt n\u00eb Bruksel, ku kryeministri kosovar Albin Kurti dhe presidenti serb Aleksandar Vu\u00e7i\u00e7 kan\u00eb pranuar tekstin e propozimit t\u00eb Bashkimit Europian \u201cpa pasur nevoj\u00eb ta diskutojn\u00eb m\u00eb tej\u201d. M\u00eb 18 mars, n\u00eb Oh\u00ebr t\u00eb Maqedonis\u00eb s\u00eb Veriut, Vu\u00e7i\u00e7 dhe Kurti kan\u00eb r\u00ebn\u00eb dakord \u2013 gjithmon\u00eb verbalisht \u2013 mbi skadencat p\u00ebr ta v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb veprim planin, q\u00eb do t\u00eb monitorohet nga nj\u00eb komision i ngritur i drejtuar nga Bashkimi Europian. N\u00eb p\u00ebrfitim t\u00eb nj\u00eb diplomacie atipike, t\u00eb privuar nga ceremoniali dhe firmosja n\u00eb garanci t\u00eb pakteve, marr\u00ebveshja p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson nj\u00eb kthes\u00eb gjeopolitike potenciale jo vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb dy vendet e rajonin ballkanik, por p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb kontinentin. Q\u00ebllimi i negociator\u00ebve per\u00ebndimor\u00eb q\u00eb e kan\u00eb p\u00ebrgatitur, me Shtetet e Bashkuara e p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb si \u201cpromotor\u00eb\u201d, nd\u00ebrsa Franca dhe Gjermania nd\u00ebrtonin konkretisht korniz\u00ebn doiplomatike, faktikisht \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb parandalohen tensione t\u00eb reja n\u00eb nivel lokal, si edhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb provuar ta largojn\u00eb Rusin\u00eb nga nj\u00eb zon\u00eb influence tradicionale t\u00eb saj.<\/p>\n
\u00c7far\u00eb parashikon marr\u00ebveshja<\/strong><\/p>\n Teksti i marr\u00ebveshjes \u2013 frut i nj\u00eb boce t\u00eb p\u00ebrpunuar ver\u00ebn e kaluar nga Franca dhe Gjermania, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb rriteshin tensionet prej s\u00eb ashtuquajtur\u00ebs \u201cluft\u00eb t\u00eb targave\u201d \u2013 p\u00ebrb\u00ebhet nga 11 nene dhe rib\u00ebhet teksti i Traktatit Baz\u00eb t\u00eb n\u00ebnshkruar n\u00eb vitin 1972 midis Republik\u00ebs Federale t\u00eb Gjermanis\u00eb dhe Republik\u00ebs Demokratike Gjermane. Ashtu si at\u00ebhere, teksti nuk flet n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb eksplicite p\u00ebr njohje reciproke, por p\u00ebr t\u00eb aludohet n\u00eb shum\u00eb pika t\u00eb saj. Faktikisht, n\u00eb nenin e par\u00eb t\u00eb saj Kosova dhe Serbia impenjohen t\u00eb zhvillojn\u00eb \u201cmarr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie normale t\u00eb fqinj\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb mir\u00eb\u201d, ashtu si edhe t\u00eb njohin dokumenta, simbole komb\u00ebtare, pashaporta, diploma, tagra dhe vula doganore t\u00eb pal\u00ebs tjet\u00ebr. Marr\u00ebveshja p\u00ebrmban pastaj referime t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb Kart\u00ebs s\u00eb Kombeve t\u00eb Bashkuara, parimet e t\u00eb cil\u00ebs duhet t\u00eb drejtojn\u00eb t\u00eb dy vendet, \u201cn\u00eb ve\u00e7anti ato t\u00eb barazis\u00eb sovrane t\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha shteteve, t\u00eb respektimit t\u00eb pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb, autonomis\u00eb dhe integritetit territorial t\u00eb tyre\u201d. M\u00eb pas Beogradi dhe Prishtina do t\u00eb shk\u00ebmbejn\u00eb \u201cmisione t\u00eb p\u00ebrhershme\u201d, dometh\u00ebn\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsi diplomatike.<\/p>\n Pastaj jan\u00eb edhe dy nene me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb: i 4 dhe i 7. Neni 4 e impenjon Serbin\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb pushoj\u00eb s\u00eb penguari aksesin e Prishtin\u00ebs n\u00eb organizatat nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, duke i dh\u00ebn\u00eb rrug\u00ebn e lir\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit t\u00eb saj edhe pran\u00eb Kombeve t\u00eb Bashkuara, ku Beogradi nuk do t\u00eb mund m\u00eb ta p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsoj\u00eb Kosov\u00ebn ose t\u00eb \u201cveproj\u00eb p\u00ebr llogari t\u00eb vet\u201d. Neni 7 ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb n\u00eb fakt me impenjimin p\u00ebr t\u00eb \u201cgarantuar nj\u00eb nivel t\u00eb duhur t\u00eb vet\u00ebmenaxhimit p\u00ebr komunitetin serb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb\u201d: nj\u00eb referim i qart\u00eb i asaj q\u00eb Marr\u00ebveshja e Brukselit e 2013 e quante \u201cShoqata e Komunave Serbe\u201d (ASM) dhe asnj\u00ebher\u00eb nga momenti q\u00eb n\u00eb 2015 u gjykua pjes\u00ebrisht antikushtetuese nga autoritetet kosovare. ASM ka qen\u00eb k\u00ebrkesa kryesore e Beogradit gjat\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha krizave t\u00eb vitit t\u00eb kaluar dhe mbi t\u00eb cil\u00ebn jan\u00eb p\u00ebrq\u00ebndruar negociatat, duke u b\u00ebr\u00eb parakushti serb ndaj \u00e7do marr\u00ebveshjeje t\u00eb ardhshme, nd\u00ebrsa Prishtina i n\u00ebnshtrohej njohjes reciproke.<\/p>\n Aneksi i marr\u00ebveshjes provon k\u00ebshtu ta tejkaloj\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb mbivendosje reciproke kushtesh, duke diktuar se implementimi t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb pavar\u00ebsisht nga pala tjet\u00ebr. Ve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj, roadmap<\/em> duket se l\u00ebviz si shkopin, ashtu edhe karrot\u00ebn. Nd\u00ebrsa p\u00ebr implementimin e p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm t\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjes Bashkimi Europian do t\u00eb drejtoj\u00eb nj\u00eb Komision p\u00ebr Monitorimin, p\u00ebr t\u2019u krijuar brenda muajit prill, dhe n\u00eb 5 muajt e ardhsh\u00ebm Brukseli do t\u00eb impenjohet gjithashtu p\u00ebr t\u00eb organizuar nj\u00eb konferenc\u00eb donator\u00ebsh, \u201cp\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar nj\u00eb paket\u00eb ndihmash ndaj investimeve dhe ndihmave financiare p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn dhe Serbin\u00eb\u201d, duke specifikuar se \u201cmbledhja e fondeve nuk do t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb p\u00ebrpara se Bashkimi Europian t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktoj\u00eb se t\u00eb gjitha dispozitat e marr\u00ebveshjes jan\u00eb plot\u00ebsisht t\u00eb zbatuara\u201d. Por ajo q\u00eb e b\u00ebn marr\u00ebveshjen politikisht t\u00eb detyrueshme, bashk\u00eb me aneksin, \u00ebsht\u00eb se kjo do t\u00eb rifutet n\u00eb procesin e integrimit n\u00eb Bashkimin Europian. P\u00ebr Serbin\u00eb \u2013 vend kandidat p\u00ebr aderim prej 10 vjet\u00ebsh \u2013 do t\u00eb ket\u00eb nj\u00eb modifikim specifik t\u00eb kapitullit negociues num\u00ebr 35, q\u00eb do t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbaj\u00eb detyrimet q\u00eb rrjedhin nga mir\u00ebkuptimi. Edhe p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn, normalizimi i raporteve me Serbin\u00eb b\u00ebhet zyrtarisht propedeutike me integrimin e ardhsh\u00ebm n\u00eb Bashkimit Europian, ku ka paraqitur k\u00ebrkes\u00ebn e aderimit dhjetorin e kaluar.<\/p>\n Nj\u00eb diplomaci kompromisesh dhe manipulimesh?<\/strong><\/p>\n Q\u00eb e b\u00ebn t\u00eb detyrueshme marr\u00ebveshjen do t\u00eb jet\u00eb impenjimi i pal\u00ebve p\u00ebr ta implementuar m\u00eb shum\u00eb sesa firma e t\u00eb dy p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesve politik\u00eb. Nj\u00eb rregull diplomatik atipik, por pragmatik. Faktikisht, Marr\u00ebveshja e Brukselit u firmos, por asnj\u00ebher\u00eb krejt\u00ebsisht e p\u00ebrfunduar, duke e l\u00ebn\u00eb k\u00ebshtu procesin e normalizimit midis Beogradit dhe Prishtin\u00ebs peng t\u00eb krizave ciklike lokale, p\u00ebrfshi luft\u00ebn e targave t\u00eb ver\u00ebs s\u00eb kaluar. Por nga ana e saj mungesa e nj\u00eb firme ka ushqyer kund\u00ebrv\u00ebniet teorike. N\u00ebse Kurti \u00ebsht\u00eb kthyer n\u00eb Oh\u00ebr duke theksuar se ka qen\u00eb Serbia ajo q\u00eb nuk ka dashur ta n\u00ebnshkruaj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjen, duke e paraqitur Kosov\u00ebn si viktim\u00eb t\u00eb intransigjenc\u00ebs serbe, Vu\u00e7i\u00e7 e ka maskuar pranimin verbal t\u00eb planit duke n\u00ebnvizuiar se ta firmoste do t\u00eb ishte ekuivalente me njohjen e Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs \u2013 akt q\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb pranuar nga 5 shtete an\u00ebtare t\u00eb Bashkimi Europian: Qipro, Greqia, Rumania, Sllovakia dhe Spanja. Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, janarin e kaluar, kur plani ishte ende sekret \u2013 apo prej prej muajsh e spekulimeve t\u00eb ndryshme nga shtypi \u2013 presidenti serb ia paraqiti parlamentit si nj\u00eb shantazh europian, q\u00eb n\u00eb rast refuzimi do t\u2019i vendoste stop integrimit n\u00eb Bashkimin Europian, t\u00ebrheqjen e investimeve per\u00ebndimore dhe pasoja t\u00eb tjera q\u00eb do ta izolonin politikisht Serbin\u00eb.<\/p>\n Pavar\u00ebsisht k\u00ebtij interpretimi, q\u00eb pasqyron nevoj\u00ebn e liderit serb p\u00ebr t\u2019u paraqitur akoma si viktim\u00eb e Per\u00ebndimit p\u00ebr konsiderata t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb brendshme, Vu\u00e7i\u00e7 ka th\u00ebn\u00eb nj\u00eb gj\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb: Beogradi nuk mund t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb pa Bashkimin Europian, nga ku vijn\u00eb mbi 60% e investimeve thelb\u00ebsore p\u00ebr ekonomin\u00eb vendore. Kurse gjeopolitikisht, me mb\u00ebshtetjen e Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara, Bashkimi Europian paraqitet tani si bashk\u00ebbiseduesi i vet\u00ebm nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar lidhur me dosjen e Kosov\u00ebs, duke adoptuar nj\u00eb q\u00ebndrim t\u00eb pazakont\u00eb q\u00eb synon ta shtyj\u00eb Rusin\u00eb nj\u00eb hap larg Ballkanit. Moska e ka n\u00eb Serbi qendr\u00ebn gravitacionale t\u00eb influenc\u00ebs s\u00eb saj n\u00eb zon\u00eb dhe n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjen kosovare \u00e7el\u00ebsin p\u00ebr ta favorizuar paq\u00ebndrueshm\u00ebrin\u00eb rajonale dhe ruajtjen e statuskuos\u00eb. Dy kushte q\u00eb me marr\u00ebveshjen aktuale duhet t\u00eb vlejn\u00eb m\u00eb pak.<\/p>\n Rusia do t\u00eb t\u00ebrhiqet?<\/strong><\/p>\n Kapja zyrtarisht e normalizimit t\u00eb raporteve me procesin e integrimit europian rilan\u00e7on misionin gjeopolitik t\u00eb Brukselit n\u00eb Ballkan. Me nj\u00eb objektiv t\u00eb dyfisht\u00eb: t\u00eb shuaj\u00eb ato q\u00eb n\u00eb 2022 kan\u00eb pasur frik\u00ebn e hapjes s\u00eb nj\u00eb konflikti t\u00eb ri n\u00eb Europ\u00eb, si edhe t\u00eb rikompakt\u00ebsoj\u00eb kampin per\u00ebndimor n\u00eb nj\u00eb moment polarizimi t\u00eb fort\u00eb me Rusin\u00eb. P\u00ebr Serbin\u00eb, fakti q\u00eb ka pranuar nj\u00eb mir\u00ebkuptim q\u00eb e impenjon t\u00eb mos pengoj\u00eb aksesin e Prishtin\u00ebs n\u00eb Kombet e Bashkuara n\u00ebnkupton q\u00eb vetoja ruse n\u00eb K\u00ebshillin e Sigurimit nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe aq e domosdoshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar blloqe diplomatike kund\u00ebr procesit t\u00eb afirmimit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs dhe k\u00ebshtu q\u00eb vlen m\u00eb pak vatra e aleanc\u00ebs politike midis Beogradit dhe Mosk\u00ebs. P\u00ebr Rusin\u00eb, faktikisht leva nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn \u00e7on n\u00eb nj\u00eb ridimensionim t\u00eb influenc\u00ebs s\u00eb saj n\u00eb rajonin ballkanik, interesat e s\u00eb cil\u00ebs n\u00eb nivel ekonomik dhe treg\u00ebtar jan\u00eb t\u00eb kufizuara nga eksportet energjitike. Edhe sikur k\u00ebto do t\u00eb reduktoheshin n\u00eb virtyt t\u00eb sanksioneve q\u00eb bllokojn\u00eb naft\u00ebn ruse q\u00eb vjen n\u00eb portet europiane: Serbia e merrte nga hub<\/em> energjitik i Krk\/Veglia n\u00eb Kroaci dhe tani do t\u00eb jet\u00eb e detyruar n\u00eb nj\u00eb diversifikim t\u00eb pjessh\u00ebm. E reduktuar var\u00ebsia energjitike dhe i kufizuar aksioni nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar mbi Kosov\u00ebn, ajo q\u00eb mbetet n\u00eb dispozicion t\u00eb Mosk\u00ebs n\u00eb rajon \u00ebsht\u00eb soft power<\/em> i saj, q\u00eb konkretizohet sidomos n\u00eb popullaritetin e Rusis\u00eb n\u00eb Serbi dhe n\u00eb Republik\u00ebn Srpska (nj\u00eb prej dy entiteteve q\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb Bosnje \u2013 Hercegovin\u00ebn) dhe t\u00eb narrativ\u00ebs s\u00eb v\u00ebllaz\u00ebris\u00eb midis rus\u00ebve dhe serb\u00ebve. Kj\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb fakt skorta retorike n\u00eb qarqet nacionaliste t\u00eb t\u00eb dy vendeve. Po t\u00eb q\u00ebndrosh sondazhit t\u00eb Belgrade Centre for Security Policy, p\u00ebr pjes\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb popullsis\u00eb n\u00eb Serbi Rusia mbetet \u201cmiku\u201d kryesor i Serbis\u00eb dhe brenda vet\u00eb grupit ruajtja e sovranitetit mbi Kosov\u00ebn konsiderohet si nj\u00eb prej objektivave t\u00eb jasht\u00ebm m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme.<\/p>\n N\u00ebse n\u00eb Beograd \u00ebsht\u00eb k\u00ebmb\u00ebngulur p\u00ebr vite t\u00eb t\u00ebra se Rusia do t\u2019i ruante interesat komb\u00ebtare serbe, presidenti rus Vladimir Putin m\u00eb shum\u00eb e ka p\u00ebrdorur \u00e7\u00ebshtjen kosovare si \u201cpasqyr\u00eb\u201d p\u00ebr t\u00eb legjitimuar pushtimet dhe invadimet ruse n\u00eb fqinj\u00ebsin\u00eb e vet \u2013 shpesh t\u00eb justifikuara si operacione n\u00eb mbrojtje t\u00eb pakicave t\u00eb persekutuara, sakt\u00ebsisht si\u00e7 do t\u00eb ishin serbo \u2013 kosovar\u00ebt nga ana e shumic\u00ebs me etni shqiptare \u2013 ashtu edhe si p\u00ebr t\u00eb ekspozuar \u201cstandardet e dyfishta\u201d t\u00eb Per\u00ebndimit. Nj\u00eb retorik\u00eb e p\u00ebrdorur qysh nga aneksimi i Krimes\u00eb dhe i p\u00ebrs\u00ebritur p\u00ebr t\u00eb krahasuar t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn e vet\u00ebvendosjes s\u00eb rajoneve t\u00eb Donbasit me Kosov\u00ebn dhe q\u00eb e ka v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb siklet Beogradin. Aleanca politike midis Serbis\u00eb dhe Rusis\u00eb nuk ka prodhuar kurr\u00eb asnj\u00eb propozim p\u00ebr zgjidhje diplomatike t\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjes kosovare, duke e konkretizuar m\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00eb vazhdimin e mosnjohjes s\u00eb Prishtin\u00ebs dhe n\u00eb blloqet diplomatike pran\u00eb agjencive t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb Kombeve t\u00eb Bashkuara. Nj\u00eb mund\u00ebsi e kapur tani nga Per\u00ebndimi, q\u00eb me k\u00ebt\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje mund t\u2019i imponoj\u00eb Beogradut nj\u00eb zgjedhje fushe pas vitesh l\u00ebkundjeje midis Brukselit dhe Mosk\u00ebs, duke i reduktuar k\u00ebsaj t\u00eb fundit nj\u00eb aft\u00ebsi influence q\u00eb n\u00eb rajonin ballkanik i dukej e paprekshme.<\/p>\n (nga Aspen Institute<\/em>)<\/p>\n P\u00ebrgatiti<\/strong><\/p>\n ARMIN TIRANA<\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Kosova dhe Serbia duket se kan\u00eb gjetur marr\u00ebveshjen q\u00eb do t\u00eb mund\u00ebsoj\u00eb normalizimin e raporteve t\u00eb tyre. Mir\u00ebkuptimi, vet\u00ebm verbal, \u00ebsht\u00eb arritur m\u00eb 27 shkurt n\u00eb Bruksel, ku kryeministri kosovar Albin Kurti dhe presidenti serb Aleksandar Vu\u00e7i\u00e7 kan\u00eb pranuar tekstin e propozimit t\u00eb Bashkimit Europian \u201cpa pasur nevoj\u00eb ta diskutojn\u00eb m\u00eb tej\u201d. M\u00eb 18 mars, …<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":43404,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"om_disable_all_campaigns":false,"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[42],"tags":[],"aioseo_notices":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/43403"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=43403"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/43403\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/43404"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=43403"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=43403"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=43403"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}