{"id":34014,"date":"2023-01-14T09:50:22","date_gmt":"2023-01-14T09:50:22","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/?p=34014"},"modified":"2023-01-14T09:50:22","modified_gmt":"2023-01-14T09:50:22","slug":"sherbime-sociale","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/2023\/01\/14\/sherbime-sociale\/","title":{"rendered":"Sh\u00ebrbime sociale"},"content":{"rendered":"

Uebi, p\u00ebr at\u00eb sesi funksionon sot, nuk funksionon mir\u00eb. Ngjitja e kompanive t\u00eb m\u00ebdha teknologjike dhe sidomos e qasjes tyre treg\u00ebtare ndaj jet\u00ebs online e ka b\u00ebr\u00eb pjes\u00ebn e banuar t\u00eb internetit nj\u00eb vend p\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr t\u00eb privatizuar, i nd\u00ebrtuar p\u00ebr t\u2019i sh\u00ebrbyer interesave treg\u00ebtare t\u00eb pak kompanive gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb fuqishme. Kjo ngjitje ka ndodhur me shpenzimet e shum\u00eb interesave t\u00eb tjera legjitime: at\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrdoruesve, shpesh t\u00eb shkelur n\u00eb termat e privat\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe t\u00eb shfryt\u00ebzimit dhe jo m\u00eb pak ato demokratike. P\u00ebr sa kjo gjendje e gj\u00ebrave online \u00ebsht\u00eb tashm\u00eb hegjemoniste prej m\u00eb shum\u00eb se nj\u00eb dekade, pasojat e mungesave t\u00eb hap\u00ebsirave reale publike nuk jan\u00eb ende krejt\u00ebsisht t\u00eb qarta, si edhe efektet e saj ndaj ides\u00eb ton\u00eb p\u00ebr demokracin\u00eb. P\u00ebr sa pasojn\u00eb skandalet q\u00eb u interesojn\u00eb kompanive t\u00eb m\u00ebdha dhe p\u00ebr sa shtytja drejt ndryshimit \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb e fort\u00eb dhe mb\u00ebshtetur nga m\u00eb shum\u00eb gj\u00ebra, pars construens <\/em>sesi t\u00eb krijohen perspektiva t\u00eb reja p\u00ebr ekonomin\u00eb dixhitale dhe shpesh pak e frekuentuar dhe imagjinata e alternativave lodh q\u00eb t\u00eb shfaqet. Duke u nisur nga fakti q\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e mundur t\u00eb \u201criparohen\u201d platformat e m\u00ebdha duke i reformuar, James Muldoon, hulumtues nga University of Exeter, ka propozuar nj\u00eb axhend\u00eb radikale rimendimi t\u00eb strukturave t\u00eb platformave online. N\u00eb librin e tij t\u00eb fundit Platform Socialism:<\/em> How to Reclaim our Digital Future from Big Tech <\/em>(sht\u00ebpia botuese Pluto Press, 2022), Muldoon propozon nj\u00eb diskutim rind\u00ebrtimi dhe rishkrimi t\u00eb pajisjeve q\u00eb qeverisin internetin sot. N\u00eb perspektiv\u00ebn e tij, p\u00ebrgjigjet jan\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u k\u00ebrkuar n\u00eb mendimin socialist t\u00eb shekullit t\u00eb XX, tek korporativizmi, tek organizatat grassroots <\/em>dhe n\u00eb pushtimin e mendimit se disa sh\u00ebrbime t\u00eb ekonomis\u00eb dixhitale duhet patjet\u00ebr t\u00eb furnizohen nga shum\u00ebkomb\u00ebshet e m\u00ebdha. Nj\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje radikale, por q\u00eb ka forc\u00ebn p\u00ebr ta kund\u00ebrshtuar iden\u00eb e p\u00ebrhapur se \u00ebsht\u00eb e pamundur t\u00eb ndryshohen gj\u00ebrat mbi at\u00eb sesi kapitalizmi dixhita\u00eb dhe i survejimit ka nd\u00ebrtuar pjes\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb t\u00eb suksesit deri m\u00eb sot.<\/p>\n

Muldoon, n\u00eb librin tuaj shkruani se platformat e m\u00ebdha kan\u00eb objektivin kryesor t\u00eb \u201ckrijimit t\u00eb bot\u00ebve\u201d. \u00c7far\u00eb n\u00ebnkuptoni me k\u00ebt\u00eb p\u00ebrkufizim dhe \u00e7far\u00eb impakti ka mbi bot\u00ebn dhe mbi shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb kjo lloj qasjeje e kompanive teknologjike?<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00abMendoj se jan\u00eb dy aspekte themelore. I pari ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me modelet e biznesit. N\u00eb ndryshim nga kompanit\u00eb tradicionale, platformat dixhitale k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb t\u00eb sigurojn\u00eb vlera direkt nga p\u00ebrdoruesit dhe nga aktivitetet e tyre. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb motiv kan\u00eb nj\u00eb strategji q\u00eb synon t\u00eb gjeneroj\u00eb transaksione me natyr\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshme, t\u00eb gjitha t\u00eb b\u00ebra nga njer\u00ebzit n\u00eb platforma, qofshi ato produktive apo sociale, me q\u00ebllim nxjerrjen e vler\u00ebs. Kjo mund t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet nj\u00eb abonimi, me pagesa direkte apo n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet mbledhjes s\u00eb t\u00eb dh\u00ebnave t\u00eb konsumit me q\u00ebllim t\u00eb shitjes s\u00eb publicitetit. Gj\u00ebja e vetme q\u00eb platformat duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb pra \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb gjenerojn\u00eb dhe t\u00eb ruajn\u00eb nj\u00eb mjedis ku njer\u00ebzit mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb n\u00eb aktivitete online, m\u00eb pas p\u00ebr t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb para. Aspekti i dyt\u00eb shfaqet edhe m\u00eb qart\u00eb n\u00ebse shikojm\u00eb nga gjenerata e ardhshme e platformave dhe ndaj metaversit n\u00eb ve\u00e7anti: k\u00ebtu po punohet p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar nj\u00eb mjedis dixhital ku \u00ebsht\u00eb e mundur t\u00eb kalohet koha, t\u00eb kihet nj\u00eb avatar, t\u00eb krijohen mallra dixhitale apo t\u00eb blihen. Ideja \u00ebsht\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht ajo e nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb bote t\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb hibride midis offline dhe online, subjekt me tipara dhe kontroll krejt\u00ebsisht private. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb antietike me nocionet tona kanunore t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb, duke qen\u00eb se ky model p\u00ebrjashton ekzistenc\u00ebn e nj\u00eb hap\u00ebsire publike. K\u00ebtu jo vet\u00ebm mediat do t\u00eb kontrollohen privatisht, por do t\u00eb ishte e gjith\u00eb hap\u00ebsira publike. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb mendoj se ideja e nj\u00eb sheshi publik dixhital \u00ebsht\u00eb efikase, pasi leht\u00ebson jet\u00ebn demokratike, bised\u00ebn dhe debatin. Kur kjo ide manifestohet n\u00eb form\u00eb online, aft\u00ebsia e kontrollit dhe en\u00ebnshtrimit treg\u00ebtar \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb, shum\u00eb m\u00eb i fort\u00eb. Ky aspekt i \u201ckrijimit t\u00eb bot\u00ebve\u201d i platformave, sidomos atyre globale me ambiciet e tyre proporcionalisht t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme, \u00ebsht\u00eb i rreziksh\u00ebm p\u00ebr demokracin\u00eb, pas brenda tyre politikat tona demokratike operojn\u00eb n\u00eb kontekstin e interesat private t\u00eb pak miliarder\u00ebve dhe kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb preokupuese\u00bb.<\/p>\n

Duke u nisur nga kjo gjendje e gj\u00ebrave, puna juaj shkon n\u00eb drejtimin e stimulimit t\u00eb imagjinat\u00ebs s\u00eb alternativave reale t\u00eb platformave aktuale. Mund t\u00eb na citoni ndonj\u00eb shembull?<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00abPjesa e dyt\u00eb e librit i kushtohet t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht k\u00ebrkimit t\u00eb imagjinimit sesi mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb disa alternativa t\u00eb mundshme ndaj platformave q\u00eb kemi tani. Nj\u00eb shembull i mundsh\u00ebm do t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb aplikacion p\u00ebr t\u00eb thirrur nj\u00eb makin\u00eb me shofer (si Uber, Bolt apo Lyft, shenimi im.<\/em>). Mendoj se qytetet mund t\u2019ua zbulojn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb sh\u00ebrbim privat\u00ebve dhe ta integrojn\u00eb n\u00eb infratruktur\u00ebn e transporteve publike t\u00eb tyre. Le t\u00eb mendojm\u00eb p\u00ebr shembull Londr\u00ebn: nj\u00eb aplikacion i k\u00ebsaj natyre mund t\u00eb integrohet brenda asaj tashm\u00eb t\u00eb ofruar nga Transport for London (kompania e transporteve e Londr\u00ebs, sh\u00ebnimi im.<\/em>) dhe kjo do t\u2019u und\u00ebsonte pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve t\u00eb siguronin nj\u00eb pages\u00eb t\u00eb duhur, n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet eliminimit t\u00eb sistemit t\u00eb menaxhimit algoritmik dhe duke zvog\u00ebluar numrin e rrug\u00ebve, pas aplikacioni mund t\u00eb stimulonte qytetar\u00ebt drejt opsioneve t\u00eb transportit m\u00eb t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetsh\u00ebm nga pik\u00ebpamja mjedisore, q\u00eb n\u00eb Lond\u00ebr jan\u00eb shum\u00eb. Jan\u00eb shum\u00eb mund\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb eliminuar disa prej aspekteve m\u00eb t\u00eb bezdisura t\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebs me t\u00eb cil\u00ebn veprojn\u00eb kompani si Uber apo Lyft, por duke ruajtur mund\u00ebsin\u00eb e p\u00ebrdorimit t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre sh\u00ebrbimeve n\u00eb shkall\u00eb t\u00eb reduktuar: besoj se ka kak nevoj\u00eb konkrete p\u00ebr mjete t\u00eb afta p\u00ebr ta transportuar nj\u00eb njeri n\u00eb radh\u00eb dhe besoj se duhet t\u2019i shmangim progresivisht, duke i mbajtur megjithat\u00eb n\u00eb sh\u00ebrbim p\u00ebr personat q\u00eb kan\u00eb nevoja speciale\u00bb.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr momentin, debati rreth k\u00ebtyre temave duket se p\u00ebrq\u00ebndrohet kryesisht mbi nevoj\u00ebn e nd\u00ebrhyrjes s\u00eb pushtetit \u00eb platformave nga k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrimi i antitrustit, duke prishur, p\u00ebr shembull, disa monopole apo duke zvog\u00ebluar pozicionet dominuese t\u00eb disa kompanive. Mendoni se \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb q\u00ebndrim i mjaftuesh\u00ebm?<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00abAxhenda antitrust ka shum\u00eb pika merite dhe e nj\u00ebjta vlen p\u00ebr ar\u00ebsyet e kujt e mb\u00ebshtet, sidomos n\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara, por nj\u00eb prej \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve q\u00eb mbetet e hapur ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me faktin se kompani si Facebook apo Google strukturalisht jan\u00eb t\u00eb nxitura q\u00eb t\u00eb mbledhin sa m\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb dh\u00ebna q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb e mundur, me q\u00ebllim t\u2019i \u201cminojn\u00eb\u201d p\u00ebr t\u00eb siguruar informacione konsumi p\u00ebr t\u00eb shitur publicitet p\u00ebr pasoj\u00eb. N\u00ebse do t\u00eb ndahej Facebook nga Instagrami apo nga WhatsApp, at\u00ebhere platforma do t\u00eb ishte gjith\u00ebsesi e stimuluar t\u00eb vepronte sakt\u00ebsisht n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn m\u00ebnyr\u00eb. Edhe sikur ta ndanim vet\u00eb Facebook n\u00eb 7 apo 8 platforma m\u00eb t\u00eb vogla, si\u00e7 u b\u00eb me Standard Oil n\u00eb fillimin e shekullit t\u00eb XX dhe me Telco n\u00eb vitet \u201980, as nuk besoj se do t\u00eb kishte benefite konkrete p\u00ebr p\u00ebrdoruesit, as mendoj se kjo zgjidhje mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb e d\u00ebshirueshme. Nuk ka kuptim t\u00eb p\u00ebrdor\u00ebsh nj\u00eb rrjet social n\u00ebse vet\u00ebm 1\/8 e miqve t\u00eb tu e p\u00ebrdor. Nuk mund t\u00eb kesh nj\u00eb Pacific Facebook, nj\u00eb Midwest Facebook apo nj\u00eb Australian Facebook, pasi nuk do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb lidheshim. Historia e k\u00ebtyre kompanive na thot\u00eb se at\u00eb tentojn\u00eb t\u00eb krijojn\u00eb kopshte me gardhe apo silos\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdhenj q\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb se nd\u00ebrveprojn\u00eb midis tyre dhe q\u00eb nuk e b\u00ebjn\u00eb nd\u00ebrveprueshm\u00ebrin\u00eb t\u00eb thjesht\u00eb. Ajo q\u00eb axhenda antitrust e kupton me korrekt\u00ebsi dhe se k\u00ebto kompani jan\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha, shum\u00eb t\u00eb fuqishme dhe bie dakord se duhet t\u00eb ket\u00eb nj\u00eb rregullim shum\u00eb t\u00eb rrept\u00eb mbi p\u00ebrmasat e tyre, mbi sa mund t\u00eb rriten dhe sesi mund ta p\u00ebrdorin pushtetin e tyre politik p\u00ebr t\u00eb siguruar pushtet politik, p\u00ebr shembull. Por, p\u00ebrfundimisht, duhet t\u00eb pushojm\u00eb s\u00eb foluri p\u00ebr at\u00eb sesi duhet ta \u201criparojm\u00eb\u201d Facebook dhe n\u00eb vend q\u00eb t\u00eb fillojm\u00eb t\u00eb flasim konkretisht si t\u00eb krijojm\u00eb nj\u00eb alternativ\u00eb m\u00eb etike. Facebook \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb kompani fitimprur\u00ebse dhe ka stimuj treg\u00ebtare strukturore p\u00ebrtej t\u00eb cilave nuk ka interes t\u00eb shikoj\u00eb: k\u00ebto kompani, p\u00ebr sa mund t\u00eb quhen etike, duhet t\u2019i shikojn\u00eb fitimet e tyre t\u00eb rriten, duhet t\u00eb shikon\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb dh\u00ebna t\u00eb p\u00ebrmendura, gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb p\u00ebrdorues dhe gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb engagement <\/em>n\u00eb platformat e tyre. asgj\u00eb nuk do t\u2019i ndryshoj\u00eb kurr\u00eb k\u00ebto asete, pavar\u00ebsisht nga mir\u00ebsia e nj\u00eb Ad<\/em> apo nga q\u00ebllimet e mira t\u00eb disa projekteve tech for good<\/em>\u00bb.<\/p>\n

Por si mund t\u00eb imagjinohet nj\u00eb alternativ\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb platform\u00eb planetare si Facebook?<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00abPika e par\u00eb q\u00eb do t\u00eb ngrija k\u00ebtu \u00ebsht\u00ebse shumica d\u00ebrrmuese e sh\u00ebrbimeve q\u00eb p\u00ebrdorim n\u00eb ekonomin\u00eb dixhitale mund t\u00eb furnizohet nga institucione shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb vogla se aktualet. Dor\u00ebzimi i ushqimit, aplikacionet p\u00ebr makinat me shofer, ato p\u00ebr pastrimet sht\u00ebpijake apo sh\u00ebrbime t\u00eb tjera mund t\u00eb furnizohen, p\u00ebr shembull, nga kooperativa pun\u00ebtor\u00ebsh apo nga institucione vendore. Platformat p\u00ebr cilat do t\u00eb kishim nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb institucion realisht global jan\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb pakta: nj\u00eb motor k\u00ebrkimi, disa sh\u00ebrbime dyt\u00ebsore q\u00eb i ofron Google dhe mediat sociale\u00bb.<\/p>\n

Por si mund t\u00eb kemi nj\u00eb form\u00eb qeverisjeje globale, kur demokracia vet\u00eb operon n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb pap\u00ebrkryer n\u00eb nivel komb\u00ebtar?<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00abN\u00eb aspektin dixhital, ka ar\u00ebsye p\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb optimist\u00eb. Instrumentat dixhital\u00eb na ofrojn\u00eb mund\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb votuar, p\u00ebr shembull, p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme dhe potencialisht q\u00eb t\u00eb mund t\u00eb zgjedhin an\u00ebtar\u00eb n\u00eb board <\/em>e governance <\/em>dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb pasur nj\u00eb kontroll m\u00eb direkt mbi lidershipin e platformave, por kjo duhet par\u00eb n\u00eb lidhje me strukturat e reja t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimit q\u00eb do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb vendosim n\u00eb platformat dixhitale dhe q\u00eb, n\u00eb aspekte t\u00eb caktuara, do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb replikonin proceset e p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimit t\u00eb demokracive n\u00eb nivel komb\u00ebtar, ama duke i rinovuar. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb n\u00eb librin tim i referohem George Douglas Howard Cole, nj\u00eb prej teorizuesve t\u00eb socializmit gildist n\u00eb shekullin e XX, p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilin organizatat duhet t\u00eb ken\u00eb nj\u00eb struktur\u00eb t\u00eb brendshme demokratike. Pra pyetja \u00ebsht\u00eb si t\u00eb b\u00ebhen kompani si Twitter apo Facebook realisht demokratike?\u00bb.<\/p>\n

\u00c7far\u00eb formash mund t\u00eb marr\u00eb ky demokratizim?<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00abKa shum\u00eb qasje dhe asnj\u00ebra prej k\u00ebtyre \u00ebsht\u00eb e aplikueshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjitha rastet. P\u00ebr shembull, nj\u00ebri mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb ai i krijimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb lloj plebishiti p\u00ebr t\u2019u mund\u00ebsuar p\u00ebrdoruesve p\u00ebr t\u00eb votuar q\u00eb t\u00eb \u00e7ojn\u00eb p\u00ebrpara nj\u00eb mocion dhe potencialisht ta v\u00ebr\u00eb n\u00eb vot\u00eb. Kjo do t\u2019u jepte t\u00eb gjith\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebve t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn ndonj\u00eb mund\u00ebsi ta thon\u00eb ty tyren n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme q\u00eb i p\u00ebrkasin m\u00eb direkt si, p\u00ebr shembull, futjes s\u00eb mund\u00ebsive p\u00ebr t\u2019i modifikuar \u201ccic\u00ebrimat\u201d. Por akoma m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebsh n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb till\u00eb q\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebt e board <\/em>t\u00eb kompanive t\u00eb zgjidhen direkt nga p\u00ebrdoruesit. Kjo do t\u00eb favorizonze edhe mobilizimin e njer\u00ebzve rreth \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve q\u00eb i konsiderojn\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme dhe do t\u00eb shikojn\u00eb t\u00eb shfaqen fraksione t\u00eb ndryshme me vizione divergjente mbi at\u00eb sesi duhet t\u00eb menaxhohet platforma. N\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit \u00ebsht\u00eb k\u00ebshtu q\u00eb funksionon procesi politik e demokratik, apo jo? P\u00ebr sa i pap\u00ebrkryer, konfuz dhe potencialisht i ekspozuar ndaj korrupsionit t\u00eb \u00e7do lloji, mendon se megjithat\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb model i preferuesh\u00ebm ndaj atij aktualit, ku dikush si Elon Musk apo Mark Zuckerberg mund t\u00eb vendos\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb unilaterale, pas asnj\u00eb lloj konsultimi, se \u00e7far\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb interesin m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb t\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb aksioner\u00ebve. Nuk duam t\u00eb harrojm\u00eb se, p\u00ebr momentin, preokupimi kryesor i sistemit \u00ebsht\u00eb sigurimi q\u00eb platformat t\u00eb prodhojn\u00eb t\u00eb ardhura. K\u00ebshtu q\u00eb ka nj\u00eb \u00e7lidhje t\u00eb fort\u00eb midis interesave t\u00eb p\u00ebrdoruesve q\u00eb e p\u00ebrdorin dhe ato t\u00eb investitor\u00ebve q\u00eb fitojn\u00eb nga puna e tyre. P\u00ebr sa \u00ebsht\u00eb realist dhe kuptoj sesa konfuzionar ky sistem mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb, mendoj se \u00ebsht\u00eb megjithat\u00eb e preferueshme ndaj atij q\u00eb kemi tani. Filozofi John Dewey thoshte se demokracia bazohet mbi eksperimentimin, mbi t\u00eb shkuarin p\u00ebr tentativa. Duhet ta nisim k\u00ebt\u00eb proces n\u00eb sfer\u00ebn e mediave sociale dhe t\u00eb \u00e7elim nj\u00eb debat mbi format q\u00eb e gjitha kjo mund t\u00eb marr\u00eb\u00bb.<\/p>\n

Nuk mendoni se etiketa e \u201csocializmit\u201d e lidhur me propozimin tuaj n\u00eb nj\u00eb far\u00eb m\u00ebnyre mund t\u2019i largoj\u00eb z\u00ebrat dhe njer\u00ebzit q\u00eb nuk e njohin veten n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb zon\u00eb politike?<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00abKur ndodhem p\u00ebrball\u00eb nj\u00eb publiku q\u00eb mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb ngurrues p\u00ebrball\u00eb nj\u00eb perspektive socialiste, flas p\u00ebr platforma t\u00eb drejtuara nga t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtat komunitete apo nga an\u00ebtar\u00ebt e tyre. Ose p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar nj\u00eb mjedis bashk\u00ebpunues n\u00eb ekonomin\u00eb dixhitale. Thelbi i projektit tim \u00ebsht\u00eb pron\u00ebsia sociale dhe demokratike e platformave dixhitale. N\u00eb thelb, b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr ta demokratizuar vet\u00eb ekonomin\u00eb dixhitale, por dua ta spostoj qendr\u00ebn gravitacionale t\u00eb diskutimit shum\u00eb m\u00eb majtas, ndaj disa ideve v\u00ebrtet radikale. Kjo u ofron njer\u00ebzve dhe partive e l\u00ebvizjeve politike t\u00eb tjera m\u00eb shum\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019i p\u00ebrballuar m\u00eb qet\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje si, p\u00ebr shembull, p\u00ebr t\u2019i dh\u00ebn\u00eb Twitter nj\u00eb ownership <\/em>m\u00eb demokratik. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim, kur mb\u00ebshtes t\u00eb shpron\u00ebsohet Google p\u00ebr t\u2019i rimarr\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb infrastruktur\u00ebn, kjo b\u00ebn t\u00eb lind\u00eb tek njer\u00ebz t\u00eb tjer\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb eksploruar hap\u00ebsira dhe mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb tjera, m\u00eb light<\/em>. P\u00ebrndryshe askush nuk do t\u00eb flas\u00eb. Me pak p\u00ebrjashtime, z\u00ebrat mainstream si ato t\u00eb ekspertit t\u00eb etik\u00ebs dixhitale Tristan Harris apo i whistleblower <\/em>Frances Haugen jan\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb ish punonj\u00ebs t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre vet\u00eb kompanive. Edhe sfera akademike dhe p\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr e z\u00ebn\u00eb nga ish punonj\u00ebs Microsoft apo Google, dhe t\u00eb gjitha qendrave t\u00eb m\u00ebdha k\u00ebrkimore n\u00eb New York jan\u00eb p\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr t\u00eb mark\u00ebs centriste apo t\u00eb qendr\u00ebs s\u00eb djatht\u00eb dhe nuk do t\u2019i avanconin kurr\u00eb k\u00ebto opsione, pasi nuk jan\u00eb pjes\u00eb e radar\u00ebve t\u00eb tyre. M\u00eb intereson n\u00eb fakt t\u00eb rriten z\u00ebrat q\u00eb mund t\u00eb d\u00ebgjohen dhe t\u00eb fillohen t\u00eb shtyhet ideja p\u00ebr t\u00eb realizuar instrumenta dixhital\u00eb me pron\u00ebsi publike, p\u00ebr t\u00eb investuar m\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00eb softuer\u00eb free e open dhe p\u00ebr t\u2019u kthyer n\u00eb nj\u00eb ide m\u00eb pak t\u00eb komercializuar sesi interneti duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb\u00bb.<\/p>\n

(James Muldoon \u00ebsht\u00eb kryehulumtues pran\u00eb Universitetit t\u00eb Exeter, kryetar i k\u00ebrkimit dixhital t\u00eb think tank Autonomy dhe autor i librit Platform Socialism: How to Reclaim our Digital Future from Big Tech <\/em>(sht\u00ebpia botuese Pluto Press, 2022), ku propozon alternativa t\u00eb ndryshme mbi at\u00eb sesi mund t\u00eb organizohen platformat dixhitale. Artikujt e tij mbi teknologjit\u00eb dixhitale, socializmin, teorit\u00eb demokratike dhe filozofin\u00eb politike e shekullit t\u00eb XX jan\u00eb shfaqur n\u00eb testata t\u00eb tilla si The Guardian<\/em>, Huffington Post dhe<\/em> Time Magazine<\/em>).<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrgatiti<\/strong><\/p>\n

ARMIN TIRANA<\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Uebi, p\u00ebr at\u00eb sesi funksionon sot, nuk funksionon mir\u00eb. Ngjitja e kompanive t\u00eb m\u00ebdha teknologjike dhe sidomos e qasjes tyre treg\u00ebtare ndaj jet\u00ebs online e ka b\u00ebr\u00eb pjes\u00ebn e banuar t\u00eb internetit nj\u00eb vend p\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr t\u00eb privatizuar, i nd\u00ebrtuar p\u00ebr t\u2019i sh\u00ebrbyer interesave treg\u00ebtare t\u00eb pak kompanive gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb fuqishme. Kjo …<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":34015,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"om_disable_all_campaigns":false,"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[42],"tags":[],"aioseo_notices":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/34014"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=34014"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/34014\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/34015"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=34014"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=34014"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=34014"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}