Shum\u00eb bien dakord se, i b\u00ebr\u00eb me 27 an\u00ebtar\u00eb dhe me perspektiv\u00ebn e absorbimit t\u00eb tjer\u00eb akoma n\u00eb nj\u00eb t\u00eb ardhme jo t\u00eb af\u00ebrt, por as edhe shum\u00eb t\u00eb larg\u00ebt, Bashkimi Europian ka nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb forcim t\u00eb vendosur t\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebs s\u00eb tij t\u00eb funksionimit dhe, p\u00ebr pasoj\u00eb, t\u00eb institucioneve t\u00eb tij. Temat p\u00ebr t\u2019u p\u00ebrballuar jan\u00eb t\u00eb shumta, megjithat\u00eb duhet pranuar se p\u00ebr momentin nuk ekzistojn\u00eb kushtet p\u00ebr nj\u00eb rishikim rr\u00ebnj\u00ebsor t\u00eb traktatit (Lisbon\u00eb, n\u00eb fuqi nga viti 2009). Mund t\u00eb mos p\u00eblqej\u00eb, por institucionet e Bashkimit Europian do t\u00eb vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb evoluojn\u00eb si p\u00ebrgjigje funksionale ndaj sfidave q\u00eb dalin her\u00ebpas\u00ebhere dhe jo n\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00eb projekti komplesiv t\u00eb paracaktuar.<\/p>\n
K\u00ebshtu q\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb rast\u00ebsi n\u00ebse diskutimi p\u00ebrq\u00ebndrohet sidomos mbi nj\u00eb pik\u00eb: zgjerimi i mund\u00ebsis\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb votuar me shumic\u00eb. Evenimentet e b\u00ebjn\u00eb aktuale k\u00ebt\u00eb mas\u00eb, sipas disave urgjente, sidomos n\u00eb dy sektor\u00eb: fiskalitetin dhe politik\u00ebn e jashtme dhe t\u00eb siguris\u00eb. I pari, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb nevoj\u00ebs p\u00ebr ta qeverisur m\u00eb mir\u00eb nj\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi ekonomike gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb integruar dhe shmangur deformime t\u00eb v\u00ebrteta apo t\u00eb supozuara konkurence, kurse i dyti sepse ndryshimet e nd\u00ebrhyra n\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb konfliktuale nuk i mund\u00ebsojn\u00eb m\u00eb Europ\u00ebs t\u00eb anashkaloj\u00eb as imperativa gjeopolitik\u00eb, as t\u2019i besoj\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebrisht si n\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn mbrojtjes amerikane. \u00cbsht\u00eb debati mbi \u201cautonomin\u00eb strategjike\u201d, i l\u00ebshuar nga Emmanuel Macron; debat q\u00eb do t\u00eb b\u00ebhej shterp\u00eb sikur Bashkimit Europian t\u00eb mos ishte n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb reagonte me shpejt\u00ebsi ndaj sfidave.<\/p>\n
Sovranitet dhe sistem Bashkimi Europian<\/strong><\/p>\n Funksionimi i Bashkimit Europian ndikon n\u00eb dy m\u00ebnyra mbi sovranitetin e vendeve an\u00ebtare. E para \u00ebsht\u00eb se vendimet e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta, t\u00eb tilla si procedura e vendimit, jan\u00eb juridikisht detyruese. E dyta \u00ebsht\u00eb specifike me vendimet e marra me shumic\u00eb. Kush ka votuar n\u00eb favor mund t\u00eb mendoj\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb legjitime se sovraniteti i tij \u00ebsh\u00eb forcuar. Nd\u00ebrsa kush voton kund\u00ebr, e sheh sovranitetin e tij simbolikisht dhe konkretisht t\u00eb kufizuar. K\u00ebshtu q\u00eb nuk duhet t\u00eb habis\u00eb fakti q\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtja e votimit me shumic\u00eb ka qen\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtja m\u00eb e ndjeshme e debatit institucional n\u00eb Europ\u00eb; mjafton t\u00eb kujtosh \u201ckriz\u00ebn e karriges bosh\u201d t\u00eb provokuar nga Charles de Gaulle n\u00eb vitin 1965. Nga nj\u00ebra an\u00eb, kush i apelon mund\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb votimit me shumic\u00eb, e b\u00ebn sepse nj\u00eb Bashkim Europian rob i unanimitetit rrezikon q\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb fundin e Polonis\u00eb, ku Dieta ishte e paralizuar nga nj\u00eb \u201cliberum veto<\/em>\u201d i nj\u00eb prej element\u00ebve t\u00eb \u00e7far\u00ebdosh\u00ebm t\u00eb saj. Kurse kush \u00ebsht\u00eb kund\u00ebr, e b\u00ebn nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb pazgjidhshme sovraniteti. E paraqitur n\u00eb k\u00ebto terma, \u00e7\u00ebshtja rrezikon t\u00eb b\u00ebhet e pazgjidhur sepse mban n\u00eb vet\u00ebvete dilem\u00ebn midis nj\u00eb rendi federal dhe nj\u00eb konfederal apo nd\u00ebrqeveritar. Nj\u00eb zgjedhje q\u00eb Bashkimi Europian dhe e vendeve an\u00ebtare t\u00eb tij nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb gatsh\u00ebm ta b\u00ebjn\u00eb.<\/p>\n N\u00eb realitet, gj\u00ebrat nuk jan\u00eb tamam k\u00ebshtu ose, m\u00eb shum\u00eb, realiteti \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb kompleks nga sa besohet. L\u00ebnd\u00ebt mbi t\u00eb cilat mund t\u00eb votohet me shumic\u00eb n\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb traktatit aktual jan\u00eb tashm\u00eb sot t\u00eb shumta n\u00eb num\u00ebr. Ato mbulojn\u00eb n\u00eb ve\u00e7anti, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 fiskalitetit, gjith\u00e7ka tjet\u00ebr q\u00eb p\u00ebrcakton funksionimin e trgeut unik, pse jo edhe miratimin e bilancit t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt dhe sektor\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00eb akoma. P\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar se n\u00eb \u00e7far\u00eb m\u00ebnyre kjo mund t\u00eb zgjerohet n\u00eb raste t\u00eb reja, fillimisht duhet ndaluar mbi logjik\u00ebn e sistemit ekzistues dhe funksionimin e tij. Si gj\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb, zgjedhja e l\u00ebnd\u00ebve t\u00eb ndjeshme t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb vendosura me shumic\u00eb nuk i p\u00ebrgjigjet nj\u00eb dizajni t\u00eb caktuar kushtetues; n\u00eb fakt \u00ebsht\u00eb pasoj\u00eb e faktit q\u00eb Bashkimi Europian \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb organizat\u00eb ku ndarja e sovranitetit ndodh me delegimin e shteteve an\u00ebtare. Praktikisht mund t\u00eb votohet n\u00eb nj\u00eb sektor t\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb, jo pse \u00ebsht\u00eb i ndjesh\u00ebm n\u00eb abstrakt, por sepse kemi r\u00ebn\u00eb dakord m\u00eb par\u00eb mbi linjat e m\u00ebdha t\u00eb objektivave q\u00eb duan t\u00eb ndjekim t\u00eb gjith\u00eb bashk\u00eb. Mund\u00ebsia e votimit me shumic\u00eb nuk ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me objektivat, por me modalitetet p\u00ebr t\u2019i realizuar ato. N\u00ebse kjo ndarje e objektivave \u00ebsht\u00eb munguese, at\u00ebhere vendet an\u00ebtare do t\u00eb jen\u00eb shum\u00eb ngurruese n\u00eb ndarjen e sovranitetit.<\/p>\n Logjika e k\u00ebtij sistemi \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb e ndryshme nga ajo q\u00eb qeveris si demokracit\u00eb tona komb\u00ebtare, ashtu edhe shtetet federale; ajo p\u00ebrcakton edhe m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn me t\u00eb cil\u00ebn vota me shumic\u00eb funksionon konkretisht. N\u00eb Bashkimin Europian praktikisht votohet shum\u00eb pak edhe n\u00eb rastet ku ekziston mund\u00ebsia. Faktikisht i gjith\u00eb sistemi \u00ebsht\u00eb i organizuar p\u00ebr t\u00eb k\u00ebrkuar konsensusin maksimal, por at\u00ebehre do t\u00eb thuhet \u00e7far\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb v\u00ebrtet kaq e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme? P\u00ebrgjigja \u00ebsht\u00eb se po dhe nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nevoja t\u00eb jesh ekspert n\u00eb teorin\u00eb e loj\u00ebrave p\u00ebr ta kuptuar psen\u00eb.<\/p>\n Ndjenja e thell\u00eb e vot\u00ebs me shumic\u00eb<\/strong><\/p>\n Ekzistenca e mund\u00ebsis\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb votuar e modifikon thell\u00ebsisht strategjin\u00eb negociuese t\u00eb pjes\u00ebmarr\u00ebsve. N\u00ebse \u00ebsht\u00eb k\u00ebrkuar unanimiteti, secili do t\u00eb ket\u00eb interesin t\u00eb ruaj\u00eb pozicionet e tij deri n\u00eb fund. Do t\u00eb bjer\u00eb n\u00eb kompromis vet\u00ebm kush \u00ebsht\u00eb i bindur se mungesa e vendimit \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb m\u00eb i keqi i kon\u00e7ensioneve q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb thirrur t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb. Rezultati \u00ebsht\u00eb pra n\u00eb shumic\u00ebn e rasteve paraliza. N\u00ebse ekziston n\u00eb fakt mund\u00ebsia e votimit me shumic\u00eb, \u00e7do pjes\u00ebmarr\u00ebs do t\u00eb ket\u00eb interes t\u00eb marr\u00eb pjes\u00eb qysh nga fillimi n\u00eb formimin e nj\u00eb shumice potenciale. Ngurruesit q\u00eb do t\u00eb mbesin me qiri n\u00eb dor\u00eb, do t\u00eb jen\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pik\u00eb t\u00eb detyruar t\u00eb gjenden n\u00eb pakic\u00ebs, t\u00eb b\u00ebrit bashk\u00eb apo gjith\u00ebsesi t\u00eb siguroj\u00eb rezultate m\u00eb t\u00eb ul\u00ebta nga t\u00eb shpresuarit. N\u00eb thelb vota (ose m\u00eb shum\u00eb mund\u00ebsia p\u00ebr t\u00eb votuar) nuk sh\u00ebrben p\u00ebr t\u00eb prcaktuar shumica dhe pakica t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme; deri mund t\u00eb thuhet se ajo q\u00eb do t\u00eb ishte shenja e nj\u00eb frakture t\u00eb madhe q\u00eb do t\u00eb prodhonte n\u00eb vendet strukturalisht \u201cpakic\u00eb\u201d perceptimin q\u00eb sistemi funksionon n\u00eb kurriz t\u00eb tyre.<\/p>\n Vota me shumic\u00eb sh\u00ebrben n\u00eb fakt p\u00ebr t\u00eb tejkaluar veton e nj\u00eb ose m\u00eb shum\u00eb vendeve. Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, fakti q\u00eb sipas traktatit shumica p\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb i till\u00eb krkon t\u00eb shprehet si numri i vendeve an\u00ebtare, ashtu edhe popullsia e tyre, e b\u00ebn formimin e saj jasht\u00ebzakonisht kompleks, redukton rrezikun e shp\u00ebrndarjes dhe t\u00eb nj\u00eb prishjeje midis shumicave dhe pakicave t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme. K\u00ebto karakteristika t\u00eb funksionimit t\u00eb sistemit jan\u00eb p\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr nj\u00eb prej ar\u00ebsyeve t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb raportit franko \u2013 gjerman: t\u00eb dy vendet shpesh vijn\u00eb nga pozicione kaq t\u00eb larg\u00ebta, q\u00eb kur konvergjojn\u00eb marr\u00ebveshja e tyre mund t\u00eb furnizoj\u00eb bazat e nj\u00eb shumice potenciale.<\/p>\n N\u00ebse kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb logjika e sistemit, at\u00ebhere ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb larg nga zgjidhja e t\u00eb gjitha problemeve. N\u00eb analiz\u00eb t\u00eb fundit, pranimi i vot\u00ebs me shumic\u00eb duhet t\u00eb pasqyroj\u00eb nj\u00eb grad\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb besimi reciprok. Mbetet frika q\u00eb nj\u00eb shtet an\u00ebtar i \u00e7far\u00ebdosh\u00ebm ose do t\u00eb gjendet sisteamtikisht n\u00eb pakic\u00eb, ose q\u00eb interesat \u201cjetike\u201d t\u00eb tij shkelen nga shumica. P\u00ebrtej ar\u00ebsyeve t\u00eb opozit\u00ebs ideologjike me karakter mbikomb\u00ebtar t\u00eb ngrehin\u00ebs europiane, qe ky motivimi i De Gaulle n\u00eb kriz\u00ebn e vitit 1965. Si n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast p\u00ebr Franc\u00ebn, bindja e nj\u00eb vendi t\u00eb \u00e7far\u00ebdosh\u00ebm se gjendet n\u00eb nj\u00eb situat\u00eb t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilat interesat e tij rrezikojn\u00eb t\u00eb mos kuptohen apo t\u00eb ndahen nga shumica, \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb shpesh e pajustifikuar; jemi m\u00eb t\u00eb ngjash\u00ebm nga sa besojm\u00eb. Megjithat\u00eb frika ekziston, si t\u00eb gjitha \u00e7\u00ebshtjet identtiare ndjehet shpesh nga elektorati dhe k\u00ebshtu q\u00eb duhet marr\u00eb parasysh.<\/p>\n Ka pasur tentativa t\u00eb ndryshme p\u00ebr ta kodifikuar \u201cinteresin jetik\u201d dhe pra nj\u00eb forme t\u00eb drejte vetoje, por askush nuk ka prodhuar rezultate bind\u00ebse. Nj\u00eb shembull i par\u00eb qe i ashtuquajturi \u201ckompromis i Luksemburgut\u201d q\u00eb p\u00ebrfundoi kriz\u00ebn e vitit 1965. Ai njohu t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn e nj\u00eb vendi p\u00ebr t\u00eb invokuar interesin jetik kund\u00ebr nj\u00eb vote t\u00eb mundshme me shumic\u00eb; megjithat\u00eb nuk specifikon as duhet t\u00eb n\u00ebnkuptohet me \u201cjetike\u201d, as cila duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb pasoja. Rezultati qe q\u00eb p\u00ebr shum\u00eb vite u hoq dor\u00eb krejt\u00ebsisht nga votimi, me d\u00ebme t\u00eb r\u00ebnda p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb. \u00c7\u00ebshtja qendrore q\u00eb teksti i \u201ckompromisit\u201d nuk sqaronte ishte se natyra \u201cjetike\u201d e interesit t\u00eb thirrur, ishte prerogativ\u00eb jo ekskluzive e vendit t\u00eb interesuar. \u00c7\u00ebshtja u sqarua pjes\u00ebrisht n\u00eb vitin 1983, paradoksalisht me iniciativ\u00ebn franceze, mbi nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje bujq\u00ebsore q\u00eb qen\u00eb mbajtur peng nga Britania e Madhe n\u00eb negociat\u00ebn mbi kontributin e saj ndaj bilancit. Vetoja britanike i tejkalua me argumentin se interesi jetik nuk mund t\u00eb thirrej p\u00ebr ar\u00ebsye t\u00eb huaja ndaj atyre t\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve t\u00eb n\u00ebnshtruara vendimit. Ishte vendosur k\u00ebshtu parimi i s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs s\u00eb shteteve t\u00eb tjera an\u00ebtare t\u00eb k\u00ebqyrnin vendimin n\u00ebse nj\u00ebri prej tyre th\u00ebrriste interesin jetik.<\/p>\n Kur m\u00eb pas, n\u00eb 1986, u adoptua Akti Unik q\u00eb zgjeronte mund\u00ebsin\u00eb e votimit n\u00eb vendimet e nevojshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb kompletuar tregun unik, t\u00eb gjith\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb vet\u00ebdijsh\u00ebm sesa ishte thelb\u00ebsore p\u00ebr ta arritur objektivin\u00a0 dhe ra t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn n\u00eb at\u00eb fush\u00eb \u00e7do penges\u00eb mbeturin\u00eb ideologjike. Gj\u00ebja u zgjidh me nj\u00eb paradoks tjet\u00ebr. Akti Unik hyri n\u00eb fuqi n\u00ebn presidenc\u00ebn daneze, nj\u00eb prej vendeve m\u00eb ngurrues ndaj parimit t\u00eb vot\u00ebs me shumic\u00eb. Masa e par\u00eb e n\u00ebnshtruar vot\u00ebs qe nj\u00eb grup direktivash t\u00eb nevojshme p\u00ebr ta kompletuar tregun unik t\u00eb automobilave, deri m\u00eb at\u00ebhere e bllokuar pik\u00ebrisht nga nj\u00eb vot\u00eb daneze. Por n\u00eb prov\u00eb t\u00eb asaj sesa tema ishte e ndjeshme, u p\u00ebrcaktuan procedura t\u00eb destinuara q\u00eb t\u00eb vepronin n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb asnj\u00eb vend t\u00eb mos ndodhej p\u00ebrball\u00eb rrezikut p\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb n\u00eb pakic\u00eb pa paralajm\u00ebrimin e duhur, por edhe n\u00eb konfirmin se parimi drejtues i punimeve duhet t\u00eb mbes\u00eb k\u00ebrkimi i konsensusit.<\/p>\n Shumica, pakica dhe veto: nj\u00eb rrug\u00eb pragmatike<\/strong><\/p>\n Shum\u00eb mendojn\u00eb se \u201ckompromisi i Luksemburgut\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb varrosur p\u00ebrfundimisht. Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb tamam k\u00ebshtu. Faktikisht ai mbijeton me mund\u00ebsin\u00eb q\u00eb \u00e7do shtet an\u00ebtar t\u00eb k\u00ebrkoj\u00eb q\u00eb nj\u00eb vendim i caktuar q\u00eb \u00e7ohet p\u00ebrpara K\u00ebshillit Europian, institucion q\u00eb normalisht vendos p\u00ebr konsensusin. Disa do t\u00eb donin t\u2019ia kodifikonin praktik\u00ebn. Ka mund\u00ebsi q\u00eb do t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb gabim. Faktikisht \u00ebsht\u00eb e dobishme t\u00eb lihet nj\u00eb valvol \u00e7fryr\u00ebse me frik\u00ebn e vendosjes n\u00eb pakic\u00eb n\u00eb raste q\u00eb konsiderohen, mir\u00eb ose keq, jetike; kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme n\u00ebse duam t\u00eb p\u00ebrballojm tematika n\u00eb zemr\u00ebn e sovranitetit komb\u00ebtar, si politika e jashtme apo fiskaliteti. Pasi q\u00eb t\u00eb kodifikosh gjith\u00e7ka \u00ebsht\u00eb pothuajse e pamundur, nj\u00eb doz\u00eb e caktuar ambiguiteti mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb e nevojshme, por \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe e nevojshme q\u00eb lufizohen abuzime dhe q\u00eb praktika t\u00eb b\u00ebhet e zakonshme, si\u00e7 ndodhi n\u00eb rastin e \u201ckompromisit t\u00eb Luksemburgut\u201d.<\/p>\n Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, traktati \u00ebsht\u00eb eksplicit n\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktimin q\u00eb K\u00ebshilli Europian \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb institucion me detyra adrese politike dhe nuk duhet t\u00eb kapet pas funksioneve legjislative. N\u00eb rastin e shkeljeve t\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebritura, nuk do t\u00eb ndodhemi p\u00ebrball\u00eb nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjeje juridike apo institucionale, por nj\u00eb krize t\u00eb besimit reciprok n\u00eb kuptimin e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb t\u00eb fjal\u00ebs.<\/p>\n \u00c7far\u00eb konkluzionesh t\u00eb nxjerr\u00ebsh tani p\u00ebr zgjerimin eventual t\u00eb vot\u00ebs p\u00ebr l\u00ebnd\u00eb t\u00eb reja? Zemra e analiz\u00ebs q\u00eb i paraprin \u00ebsht\u00eb se funksioni i vot\u00ebs nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb ai i konsolidimit t\u00eb shumicave, por i tejkalimit t\u00eb vetove t\u00eb nj\u00ebrit apo nj\u00eb numri t\u00eb kufizuar vendesh. Nj\u00eb pasoj\u00eb e par\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb se \u00e7do propozim p\u00ebr ta zgjeruar mund\u00ebsin\u00eb e votimit me shumic\u00eb p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb tilla si fiskaliteti dhe politika e jashtme dhe e siguris\u00eb duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrkufizohet qart\u00eb dhe t\u00eb jet\u00eb e p\u00ebrq\u00ebndruar mbi aspekte q\u00eb p\u00ebrmbedhin tashm\u00eb, n\u00eb mos totalitetin e t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn nj\u00eb shumice t\u00eb madhe konsensuesh. P\u00ebr fiskalitetin, ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb ngusht\u00ebsisht e nevojshme p\u00ebr funksionimin e tregut unik. \u00c7\u00ebshtja e politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb komplekse.<\/p>\n Nj\u00eb rast i par\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb vjen n\u00eb mendje, i cituar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb eksplicite nga kancelari Olaf Scholz n\u00eb diskutimin e tij t\u00eb Prag\u00ebs, \u00ebsht\u00eb ai i sanksioneve. Ai mb\u00ebshtetet mbi faktin q\u00eb Bashkimi Europian thuajse ka arritur nj\u00eb unitet konsensuesh lidhur me luft\u00ebn n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb dhe mund t\u00eb mendoj\u00eb \u00ebkshtu se menaxhimi i saj mund t\u2019i t\u00ebrhiqet unanimitetit. Faktikisht jemi larg p\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket raporteve me Kin\u00ebn dhe politik\u00ebn ndaj Afrik\u00ebs. Mund t\u00eb mendohet se duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb e mundur t\u00eb votohet mbi deklarime politike edhe pse juridikisht jodetyruese, lidhur me l\u00ebnd\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilat \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktuar nj\u00eb strategji e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt. Ama mbetet fakti q\u00eb politika e jashtme dhe e siguris\u00eb jan\u00eb l\u00ebnd\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilat \u00ebsht\u00eb objektivisht e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb shtrihet mund\u00ebsia e votimit me shumic\u00eb pa e v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb diskutim parimin, aktualisht i konsakruar nga traktati, i kompetenc\u00ebs komb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n Ekzistojn\u00eb rrug\u00ebtime m\u00eb radikale p\u00ebr t\u2019u ndjekur? A ekziston n\u00eb traktat mund\u00ebsia e hapjes s\u00eb rrig\u00ebs s\u00eb votimit me shumic\u00eb n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet t\u00eb ashtuquajturave \u201cpasarela\u201d, q\u00eb k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb nj\u00eb vendim unanim, por pa procedur\u00ebn komplekse e rishikimit t\u00eb traktatit. Nuk ka pasur deri m\u00eb tani raste rekursi n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rrug\u00eb dhe jan\u00eb legjitime dyshimet, p\u00ebr disa vende edhe kushtetuese, mbi zbatueshm\u00ebrin\u00eb efektive t\u00eb saj. Nj\u00eb rrug\u00eb tjet\u00ebr \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo e diferencimit, dometh\u00ebn\u00eb mund\u00ebsis\u00eb p\u00ebr disa vende q\u00eb t\u00eb vazhdojn\u00eb, n\u00eb pritje q\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt t\u00eb pasojn\u00eb. Kushti duke qen\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb l\u00ebnia hapur e port\u00ebs hapur dhe mos diskriminuar t\u00eb p\u00ebrjashtuarit. N\u00eb teori duket e thjesht\u00eb, n\u00eb praktik\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb pak.<\/p>\n Nj\u00eb prej sfidave m\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtira q\u00eb Bashkimit Europian i duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrballoj\u00eb n\u00eb vitet e ardhshme \u00ebsht\u00eb ai i ruajtjes s\u00eb nj\u00eb dinamizmi q\u00eb me 27 rezulton gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb, por duke garantuar vler\u00ebn e unitetit politik t\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsis\u00eb. Ajo ka rezultuar themelore n\u00eb menaxhimin e Brexit. Do t\u00eb jet\u00eb akoma m\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00eb menaxhimin e sfid\u00ebs s\u00eb madhe t\u00eb paraqitur nga integrimi dhe stabiliteti i t\u00eb gjith\u00eb pjes\u00ebs lindore t\u00eb Europ\u00ebs, nga brenda ashti si nga jasht\u00eb kufijve t\u00eb Bashkimit Europian. Dh\u00ebnia hap\u00ebsir\u00eb pararojave do t\u00eb jet\u00eb pra e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme, por t\u2019u p\u00ebrdorur me maturi. Traktati ofron mund\u00ebsi konkrete me rekursin ndaj t\u00eb ashtuquajturave \u201cbashk\u00ebpunime t\u00eb detyruara\u201d, por q\u00eb u n\u00ebnshtrohen limiteve dhe procedurave nganj\u00ebher\u00eb kufizuese.<\/p>\n N\u00ebse megjithat\u00eb objektivi kryesor \u00ebsht\u00eb ai i tejkalimit t\u00eb vetove eventuale, ekziston edhe mund\u00ebsia e procedimit me nj\u00eb traktat n\u00eb kuptimin e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb t\u00eb fjal\u00ebs apo edhe nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje t\u00eb thjesht\u00eb nd\u00ebrqeveritare e p\u00ebrfunduar midis kujt q\u00ebndron, duke izoluar ngurruesit. Zgjidhja u p\u00ebrdor p\u00ebr t\u00eb tejkaluar tentativ\u00ebn e keqe t\u00eb vetos s\u00eb David Cameron ndaj krijimit t\u00eb MES (Mekanizmit Europian t\u00eb Solidaritetit); ky u krijua mbi baz\u00ebn e nj\u00eb traktati paralel, por i lidhur me at\u00eb t\u00eb Bashkimit Europian, pa pjes\u00ebmarrjen e Britanis\u00eb s\u00eb Madhe. Pse t\u00eb mos i drejtohesh n\u00eb zgjidhje t\u00eb k\u00ebtij lloji n\u00eb rast se Hungaria do t\u00eb vazhdonte me obstruksionizmin e saj mbi \u00e7\u00ebshtje q\u00eb kan\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb me luft\u00ebn n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb dhe raportet me Rusin\u00eb? Ka qen\u00eb nj\u00eb rrug\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb, duke mbajtur parasysh detyrimet e mosdiskriminimit. Megjithat\u00eb do t\u00eb kishte nj\u00eb efekt t\u00eb padyshimt\u00eb presioni politik; do t\u00eb b\u00ebhej fjal\u00eb n\u00eb thelb p\u00ebr t\u00eb luajtur me raportet e forc\u00ebs. Sigurisht q\u00eb do t\u00eb jepte nga jasht\u00eb imazhin e nj\u00eb Europe t\u00eb p\u00ebr\u00e7ar\u00eb. Megjithat\u00eb n\u00eb disa raste, sidomos sikur vendimi t\u00eb p\u00ebrmblidhte nj\u00eb shumic\u00eb t\u00eb madhe, p\u00ebrfshi t\u00eb gjitha vendet e m\u00ebdha, imazhi i nj\u00eb Europe t\u00eb p\u00ebr\u00e7ar\u00eb mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb i preferueshme me at\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00eb Europe t\u00eb paralizuar.<\/p>\n \u00c7do iniciative nga ana e vendeve t\u00eb m\u00ebdha me finalitetin e rritjes s\u00eb presionit ndaj t\u00eb tjer\u00ebve mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb e dobishme dhe meriton q\u00eb t\u00eb eksplorohet. Megjithat\u00eb do t\u00eb kishte limite jo p\u00ebr t\u2019u tejkaluar. Izolimi i nj\u00eb vendi duke e detyruar q\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb hesapet me ar\u00ebsyet e p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb tij n\u00eb Bashkimin Europian, mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb i uruesh\u00ebm; krijimi i nj\u00eb frakture me nj\u00eb grup vendesh do t\u00eb ishte n\u00eb fakt shum\u00eb e d\u00ebmshme. \u00cbsht\u00eb megjithat\u00eb nj\u00eb fakti q\u00eb zgjerimi i mund\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb votimit do t\u00eb v\u00ebrtetohet vet\u00ebm n\u00ebn presionin e ngjarjeve. Pra do t\u00eb duhet kuraj\u00eb dhe imagjinat\u00eb.<\/p>\n Zhvillime t\u00eb ngjashme jan\u00eb t\u00eb dobishme edhe p\u00ebr nj\u00eb ar\u00ebsye tjet\u00ebr. Megjith\u00ebse afatmesme, tashm\u00eb jemi t\u00eb futur n\u00eb nj\u00eb perspektiv\u00eb q\u00eb na \u00e7on drejt nj\u00eb zgjerimi dhe nj\u00eb Bashkimi Europian me m\u00eb shum\u00eb se 30 an\u00ebtar\u00eb. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pik\u00eb, si\u00e7 n\u00ebnvizohet nga Scholz n\u00eb diskutimin e tij t\u00eb Prag\u00ebs, nj\u00eb reform\u00eb institucionale do t\u00eb b\u00ebhej e pambrojtshme. Sistemi i vot\u00ebs do t\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebj\u00eb pashmangshm\u00ebrisht nj\u00eb prej pikave kryesore. K\u00ebshtu q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme q\u00eb t\u00eb futen deri m\u00eb tani n\u00eb jet\u00ebn e Bashkimit Europian praktika q\u00eb bindin t\u00eb gjith\u00eb p\u00ebr pamund\u00ebsin\u00eb e vazhdimit t\u00eb abuzimit me t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn e vetos.<\/p>\n (nga Aspen Institute<\/em>)<\/p>\n P\u00ebrgatiti<\/strong><\/p>\n ARMIN TIRANA<\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Shum\u00eb bien dakord se, i b\u00ebr\u00eb me 27 an\u00ebtar\u00eb dhe me perspektiv\u00ebn e absorbimit t\u00eb tjer\u00eb akoma n\u00eb nj\u00eb t\u00eb ardhme jo t\u00eb af\u00ebrt, por as edhe shum\u00eb t\u00eb larg\u00ebt, Bashkimi Europian ka nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb forcim t\u00eb vendosur t\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebs s\u00eb tij t\u00eb funksionimit dhe, p\u00ebr pasoj\u00eb, t\u00eb institucioneve t\u00eb tij. Temat p\u00ebr t\u2019u …<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":32963,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"om_disable_all_campaigns":false,"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[42],"tags":[],"aioseo_notices":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/32962"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=32962"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/32962\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/32963"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=32962"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=32962"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=32962"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}