{"id":28243,"date":"2022-11-04T17:52:21","date_gmt":"2022-11-04T17:52:21","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/?p=28243"},"modified":"2022-11-04T17:53:10","modified_gmt":"2022-11-04T17:53:10","slug":"forma-dhe-substanca-e-te-djathtes-spanjolle","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/2022\/11\/04\/forma-dhe-substanca-e-te-djathtes-spanjolle\/","title":{"rendered":"Forma dhe substanca e t\u00eb djatht\u00ebs spanjolle"},"content":{"rendered":"

Jan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb hipoteza t\u00eb ndryshme lidhur me faktin se pas Italis\u00eb do t\u00eb jet\u00eb Spanja ajo, q\u00eb n\u00eb vijim t\u00eb zgjedhjeve t\u00eb parashikuara n\u00eb 2023, do t\u00eb drejtohet nga e djathta, k\u00ebsaj radhe me nj\u00eb mazhoranc\u00eb t\u00eb formuar jo vet\u00ebm nga konservator\u00ebt e Partis\u00eb Konservatore, por ka mund\u00ebsi edhe me pjes\u00ebmarrjen, direkte ose indirekte, t\u00eb s\u00eb djatht\u00ebs ekstreme t\u00eb Vox. Gjat\u00eb muajve t\u00eb fundit, pjesa m\u00eb e madhe e sondazheve n\u00eb Spanj\u00eb e kan\u00eb regjistruar k\u00ebt\u00eb mund\u00ebsi dhe, nga ana tjet\u00ebr, jan\u00eb tashm\u00eb tre (edhe pse me formula t\u00eb ndryshme, n\u00eb Andalusia e n\u00eb Murcia me mb\u00ebshtetje t\u00eb jashtme, n\u00eb Castilla y Le\u00f3n m\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi qeveris\u00ebse), rajonet n\u00eb t\u00eb cilat Partido Popular<\/em> dhe Vox po qeverisin bashk\u00eb. Pra krahasimi \u00ebsht\u00eb i ligjsh\u00ebm, edhe pse praktikisht ka element\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt ndaj dy aseteve t\u00eb mundsh\u00ebm qeveris\u00ebs t\u00eb konservator\u00ebve, edhe n\u00eb terma t\u00eb axhend\u00ebs. Megjithat\u00eb ka edhe diferenca strukturore, q\u00eb kan\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb me ekosistemin politik dhe kulturor t\u00eb t\u00eb dy vendeve, cikleve t\u00eb ndryshme q\u00eb vet\u00eb k\u00ebto vende po kalojn\u00eb dhe, s\u00eb fundi, kulturat politike t\u00eb aktor\u00ebve n\u00eb qend\u00ebr t\u00eb analizave. Pes\u00eb prej k\u00ebtyre na duken m\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme.<\/p>\n

Diferenca e par\u00eb ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me historin\u00eb e dy sistemeve politike dhe, brenda k\u00ebtij t\u00eb fundit, m\u00ebnyr\u00ebs me t\u00eb cil\u00ebn t\u00eb djathtat kan\u00eb evoluar n\u00eb t\u00eb dy vendet. Ia vlen t\u00eb kujtohet se dalja e Spanj\u00ebs nga diktatura e tmerrshme e Francisco Franco n\u00eb fundin e viteve \u201970 ndodhi me nj\u00eb ndryshim politik gradual: nj\u00eb ruptura pactada<\/em> e promovuar sigurisht nga forcat e opozit\u00ebs s\u00eb majt\u00eb dhe nga kuadri europian, por n\u00eb pjes\u00ebn e mir\u00eb, nga nj\u00eb k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrim institucional, e menaxhuar nga pjesa m\u00eb e hapur dhe pragmatike e trash\u00ebgimtar\u00ebve r\u00eb regjimit, t\u00eb mbledhur nga Uni\u00f3n de Centro Democr\u00e1tico<\/em> (UCD) e presidentit t\u00eb at\u00ebhersh\u00ebm Adolfo Su\u00e1rez, q\u00eb qe nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht kryeministri i fundit i frankizmit dhe i pari i demokracis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Deri n\u00eb tetorin e 1982 \u2013 kur pas grushtit t\u00eb shtetit t\u00eb d\u00ebshtuar t\u00eb Tejero n\u00eb 1981 socialist\u00ebt e Felipe Gonz\u00e1lez u imponian me mazhoranc\u00eb absolute \u2013 UCD, nj\u00eb forc\u00eb politike heterogjene, me ish frankist\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb liberal\u00eb, centrist\u00eb dhe demokristian\u00eb u duk se ishte partia e destinuar t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsonte qendr\u00ebn e djatht\u00eb n\u00eb sistemin e ri t\u00eb lindur nga kushtetuta e 1978. Pjesa e trash\u00ebgimtar\u00ebve t\u00eb frankizmit n\u00eb fakt m\u00eb pak e disponuar ndaj ndryshimit demokratik u bashkua n\u00eb nj\u00eb formacion t\u00eb quajtur \u201cAlianza Popular<\/em>\u201d dhe, me lidershipin e ish ministrit frankist Manuel Fraga, mbeti n\u00eb nj\u00eb pozicion t\u00eb m\u00ebnj\u00ebanuar dhe minoritar. N\u00eb vitet e para t\u00eb \u201980, UCD hyri n\u00eb nj\u00eb kriz\u00eb q\u00eb \u00e7oi deri n\u00eb shkrirjen e saj dhe gjat\u00eb viteve t\u00eb t\u00eb ashtuquajturit \u201cfelipiz\u00ebm\u201d (p\u00ebrvoja e gjat\u00eb e qeverisjes socialiste, nga 1982 deri m\u00eb 1996), e djathta u riformulua duke filluar nga Alianza Popular<\/em>: n\u00eb 1990, kjo u transformua n\u00eb Partido Popular<\/em> (PP), mblodhi nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb personelit politik t\u00eb UCD e n\u00eb 1996 erdhi n\u00eb qeverisje me Jos\u00e9 Mar\u00eda Aznar, q\u00eb shum\u00eb i ri, n\u00eb 1978 kishte shprehur publikisht dyshime serioze ndaj projektit kushtetues demokratik. Nga aty e prapa, si\u00e7 e kujton shpesh gazetari i La Vanguardia<\/em> Enric Juliana, ka qen\u00eb partido alfa<\/em> e djatht\u00eb spanjolle: partia e madhe rreth s\u00eb cil\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb mbledhur dhe njihet e gjith\u00eb e djathta.<\/p>\n

Ky proces i ve\u00e7ant\u00eb implikon q\u00eb antifashizmi \u2013 ashtu si\u00e7 e kemi njphur n\u00eb pjes\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb vendeve t\u00eb Europ\u00ebs Per\u00ebndimore pas 1945 \u2013 nuk ka p\u00ebrb\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb pik\u00eb referimi operative n\u00eb caktimin e t\u00ebr\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb rregullave t\u00eb loj\u00ebs s\u00eb demokracis\u00eb spanjolle t\u00eb lindur me kushtetut\u00ebn e 1978. T\u00eb pakt\u00ebn nga vitet \u201890, hegjemonin\u00eb tek e djathta e ka k\u00ebshtu nj\u00eb parti q\u00eb ka nj\u00eb kultur\u00eb politike q\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb prishur asnj\u00ebher\u00eb krejt\u00ebsisht nga nj\u00eb pik\u00ebpamje narrative dhe kulturore me diktatur\u00ebn, megjith\u00ebse karakterizohet pse \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb neoliberiste dhe atlantiste, sipas linjave t\u00eb s\u00eb djatht\u00ebs amerikane, sesa nostalgjike. Vox ka lindur n\u00eb 2013 nga nj\u00eb ndarje e PP dhe n\u00eb vitet e fundit ka ditur t\u00eb kap\u00eb shum\u00eb prej er\u00ebrave t\u00eb pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsis\u00eb q\u00eb fryjn\u00eb mbi shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb spanjolle, por nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb folur, si n\u00eb nj\u00eb far\u00eb m\u00ebnyre \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb rastin italian, t\u00eb nj\u00eb t\u00eb djathte \u201ctjet\u00ebr\u201d respektivisht me mainstream<\/em> e sistemit politik, q\u00eb arrin t\u00eb fitoj\u00eb centralitetin.<\/p>\n

Diferenca e dyt\u00eb ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me ciklet e ndryshme q\u00eb p\u00ebrshkojn\u00eb t\u00eb dy sistemet politike. Nuk do t\u00eb futet k\u00ebtu n\u00eb diskutimin e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb mbi republik\u00ebn e par\u00eb, t\u00eb dyt\u00eb apo t\u00eb tret\u00eb italiane, por ia vlen t\u00eb kujtohet se niveli i volatilitetit dhe i cop\u00ebzimit t\u00eb sistemit politik italian \u00ebsht\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonisht i lart\u00eb dhe vjen minimalisht nga mesi i viteve \u201890. Edhe sistemi politik spanjoll ka p\u00ebrjetuar nj\u00eb stres t\u00eb paprecedent si pasoj\u00eb e efekteve t\u00eb kriz\u00ebs financiare t\u00eb 2008: p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb, n\u00eb 2014 t\u00eb dy partit\u00eb e m\u00ebdha PP dhe PSOE mor\u00ebn bashk\u00eb m\u00eb pak se gjysm\u00ebn e votave t\u00eb shprehura. Por n\u00eb Spanj\u00eb cop\u00ebzimi ka qen\u00eb m\u00eb pak i theksuar dhe gjith\u00ebsesi sistemi n\u00eb nj\u00eb far\u00eb m\u00ebnyre \u00ebsht\u00eb riformuluar n\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb ku mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb ende funksionale, duke ruajtur p\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr linjat e m\u00ebdha t\u00eb bipolarizmit midis t\u00eb djatht\u00ebs dhe t\u00eb majt\u00ebs. Nga e majta PSOE bashk\u00ebjeton tani me hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn e Unidas Podemos<\/em> (n\u00eb rrug\u00eb evolucioni fal\u00eb lidershipit t\u00eb ministres s\u00eb Pun\u00ebs Yolanda D\u00edaz); nga e djathta PP bashk\u00ebjeton me Vox. M\u00eb tep\u00ebr, q\u00eb karakterizon sistemin spanjoll qysh nga 1978, prirjet e ndryshme t\u00eb partive nacionaliste, autonomiste dhe indipendentiste. N\u00eb vitet e fundit, edhe fal\u00eb shfaqjes s\u00eb rrufeshme t\u00eb formacionit liberal Ciudadanos<\/em>, tani drejt zhdukjes \u2013 ka pasur shenja koalicionesh t\u00eb m\u00ebdha apo formulash centriste, por n\u00eb realitet alternimi mbetet i till\u00eb: tani p\u00ebr momentin imagjinohen formula t\u00eb ndryshme nga blloqet e m\u00ebdha t\u00eb majta dhe t\u00eb djathta t\u00eb kund\u00ebrv\u00ebna.<\/p>\n

Diferenca e tret\u00eb ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me ciklin politik t\u00eb brendsh\u00ebm t\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebs s\u00eb t\u00eb djathtave. Lidershipi i ri i PP t\u00eb Alberto N\u00fa\u00f1ez Feij\u00f3o \u2013 ish president i rajonit t\u00eb Galizia, ku Vox nuk ka arritur t\u00eb siguroj\u00eb as edhe nj\u00eb ul\u00ebse n\u00eb parlamentin rajonal \u2013 \u00a0p\u00ebr momentin duket mir\u00eb n\u00eb sondazhe. Pas ngjitjes demonskopike t\u00eb muajve t\u00eb fundit, tendenca \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo e nj\u00eb rithithjeje t\u00eb qart\u00eb t\u00eb eketoratit konservator q\u00eb momentalisht kishte kaluar n\u00eb Vox. Pra p\u00ebr momentin kush dikton linj\u00ebn n\u00eb t\u00eb djathtat \u00ebsht\u00eb formulimi klasik i PP, jo e djathta e re e Santiago Abascal, liderit t\u00eb Vox.<\/p>\n

Dhe kjo \u00e7on n\u00eb diferenc\u00ebn e kat\u00ebrt. N\u00eb Spanj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtja e t\u00eb djathtave \u00ebsht pjes\u00ebrisht e ndryshme repskeitivisht Italis\u00eb. Narrativat e m\u00ebdha t\u00eb s\u00eb djatht\u00ebs spanjolle kan\u00eb qen\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb nj\u00eb presion m\u00eb i ul\u00ebt fiskal, glorifikimi i sektorit privat dhe nj\u00eb tendenc\u00eb pak e fshehur ndaj zhvler\u00ebsimit t\u00eb rrogave dhe shkurtimeve t\u00eb shpenzimeve publike si formul\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb zgjidhur problemet ekonomike. Mbi \u00e7\u00ebshtjet tipike t\u00eb luft\u00ebrave kulturore t\u00eb s\u00eb djathtave t\u00eb reja (t\u00eb drejta, mbrojtje e roleve tradicionale t\u00eb gjinis\u00eb, raport deri me shkenc\u00ebn\u2026) pozicionet duket se jan\u00eb m\u00eb pak t\u00eb theksuara.<\/p>\n

Vox ka tentuar t\u00eb p\u00ebrdor\u00eb disa (emigracionin apo t\u00eb drejtat e grave), por \u00ebsht\u00eb ndeshur me faktin se sidomos mbi disa tema q\u00eb n\u00eb Itali jan\u00eb objekt battage<\/em> t\u00eb madh elektoral nga ana e t\u00eb djathtave (si aborti apo t\u00eb drejtat e kolektivit LGTBI) pjesa m\u00eb e madhe e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb spanjolle nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e gatshme t\u00eb kthehet prapa, edhe midis sektor\u00ebve dometh\u00ebn\u00ebs t\u00eb elektoratit t\u00eb djatht\u00eb. Ar\u00ebsyet mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb shumta dhe, sigurisht, nj\u00ebra prej tyre \u00ebsht\u00eb fakti se kalimi nga diktatura n\u00eb demokraci ka n\u00ebnkuptuar konsolidimin e t\u00eb drejtave dhe t\u00eb liris\u00eb t\u00eb mohuara n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb absolute nga frankizmi deri n\u00eb t\u00eb dh\u00ebna t\u00eb papropozueshme p\u00ebr nj\u00eb vend t\u00eb Europ\u00ebs Per\u00ebndimore. Vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb dy shembuj, jo vet\u00ebm qysh kur ka hyr\u00eb n\u00eb fuqi (tashm\u00eb 17 vite m\u00eb par\u00eb) martesa civile midis njer\u00ebzve t\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtit seks nuk \u00ebsht verifikuar as edhe nj\u00eb rast \u201cobjeksioni vet\u00ebdijeje\u201d midis k\u00ebshilltar\u00ebve komunal\u00eb t\u00eb PP q\u00eb do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb celebronin martesat, por vet\u00ebm pak jav\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb, Isabel D\u00edaz Ayuso, presidente e fuqishme e rajonit t\u00eb Madrid dhe eksponente e spikatur e s\u00eb djatht\u00ebs t\u00eb PP, nuk ka ngurruar ta mbroj\u00eb ligjin e paraqitur para pak kohe q\u00eb u lejon vajzave midis t\u00eb 16 dhe t\u00eb 18 viteve t\u00eb abortojnl pa pasur konsensusin e prind\u00ebrve.<\/p>\n

S\u00eb fundi, diferenca e pest\u00eb ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me situat\u00ebn e t\u00eb majtave. P\u00ebr t\u00eb djathtat \u201ct\u00eb moderuara apo ekstreme qofshin ato), nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e nj\u00ebjta gj\u00eb t\u00eb ken\u00eb nj\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtar q\u00eb duket i humbur qysh n\u00eb nisje \u2013 si\u00e7 ndodhi n\u00eb Itali me k\u00ebto zgjedhje fal\u00eb mekanizmave t\u00eb ligjit elektoral \u2013 apo q\u00eb t\u2019i duhet t\u00eb konkurrojn\u00eb me nj\u00eb majt\u00eb q\u00eb nuk e ka ende nj\u00eb forc\u00eb elektorale, por g\u00ebzon edhe nj\u00eb prestigj t\u00eb caktuar n\u00eb sektor\u00eb t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb. Kjo i detyrohet p\u00ebr shembull pasojave t\u00eb nj\u00eb ndryshimi gjeneracional potencial dhe t\u00eb rritur nga l\u00ebvizja e Indignados<\/em> dhe nga aktivist\u00ebt e saj. Nj\u00eb ndryshim q\u00eb n\u00eb Itali nuk ka qen\u00eb, n\u00eb Spanj\u00eb ka funksionuar n\u00eb terma programatik\u00eb dhe edhe n\u00eb terma aft\u00ebsie bashk\u00ebbisedimi dhe komunikimi me shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb, edhe pse gjenerata m\u00eb e re \u00ebsht\u00eb e z\u00ebn\u00eb me probleme sociale shum\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshme nga t\u00eb m\u00ebparshmet. Kjo ka pasur nj\u00eb refleksion mbi t\u00ebr\u00ebsin\u00eb e axhend\u00ebs politike, sigurisht p\u00ebr gjith\u00e7ka q\u00eb ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me t\u00eb drejtat dhe lirit\u00eb, por edhe me gjith\u00e7ka q\u00eb ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me \u00e7\u00ebshtjet socioeconomike.<\/p>\n

Rregullimi i \u00e7mimeve t\u00eb energjis\u00eb \u2013 q\u00eb qeveria progresiste e Pedro S\u00e1nchez ka adoptuar, duke tentuar (bashk\u00eb me Italin\u00eb) ta shtrij\u00eb n\u00eb pjes\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr t\u00eb Bashkimit Europian, reforma e tregut t\u00eb pun\u00ebs e d\u00ebshiruar nga ministrja D\u00edaz q\u00eb e ka reduktuar drastikisht p\u00ebrkoh\u00ebsin\u00eb dhe, m\u00eb s\u00eb fundi propozimet e nj\u00eb norme t\u00eb barabart\u00eb mbi qirat\u00eb apo t\u00eb nj\u00eb kufizimi n\u00eb shport\u00ebn e ushqimeve, sipas t\u00eb gjitha studimeve t\u00eb opinionit jan\u00eb masa dhe propozime q\u00eb kan\u00eb krijuar t\u00eb \u00e7ara edhe n\u00eb sektor\u00eb dometh\u00ebn\u00ebs t\u00eb elektoratit konservator. K\u00ebshtu q\u00eb u kan\u00eb mund\u00ebsuar partive t\u00eb majta t\u00eb ruanin nj\u00eb ankorim t\u00eb fort\u00eb elektoral n\u00eb shtrest sociale t\u00eb mesme t\u00eb ul\u00ebta, n\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtim nga sa ndodh n\u00eb Itali.<\/p>\n

(nga Aspenia Institute<\/em>)<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrgatiti<\/strong><\/p>\n

ARMIN TIRANA<\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Jan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb hipoteza t\u00eb ndryshme lidhur me faktin se pas Italis\u00eb do t\u00eb jet\u00eb Spanja ajo, q\u00eb n\u00eb vijim t\u00eb zgjedhjeve t\u00eb parashikuara n\u00eb 2023, do t\u00eb drejtohet nga e djathta, k\u00ebsaj radhe me nj\u00eb mazhoranc\u00eb t\u00eb formuar jo vet\u00ebm nga konservator\u00ebt e Partis\u00eb Konservatore, por ka mund\u00ebsi edhe me pjes\u00ebmarrjen, direkte ose indirekte, t\u00eb …<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":28245,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"om_disable_all_campaigns":false,"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[42],"tags":[],"aioseo_notices":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/28243"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=28243"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/28243\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/28245"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=28243"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=28243"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=28243"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}