{"id":2612,"date":"2022-01-18T18:23:32","date_gmt":"2022-01-18T18:23:32","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/rdnews.al\/?p=2612"},"modified":"2022-01-18T18:23:32","modified_gmt":"2022-01-18T18:23:32","slug":"spiuni-milan-kundera","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/2022\/01\/18\/spiuni-milan-kundera\/","title":{"rendered":"Spiuni Milan Kundera"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><strong>N\u00eb Republik\u00ebn \u00c7eke rritet armiq\u00ebsia ndaj riatdhesimit t\u00eb shkrimtarit t\u00eb arratisur n\u00eb Franc\u00eb m\u00eb 1975: N\u00eb Paris kan\u00eb informuar qeverinl prosovjetike t\u00eb Prag\u00ebs. Si i ri kishte denoncuar nj\u00eb mik q\u00eb u d\u00ebnua me 22 vite pun\u00eb t\u00eb detyruar n\u00eb minierat e uraniumit. Polemikat n\u00eb \u201968 me Havelin. Presidenti i ardhsh\u00ebm e likudoi Kunder\u00ebn si \u201c<em>viveur<\/em> intelektual\u201d.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Prej t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn 20 vitesh Milan Kundera provon ndjenj\u00eb melankolike t\u00eb riatdhesimit, t\u00eb <em>nostos<\/em>. N\u00eb 2019 i \u00ebsht\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb shtet\u00ebsia \u00e7eke, q\u00eb i ishte hequr n\u00eb 1975. Megjithat\u00eb, pavar\u00ebsisht se ka n\u00eb atdhe nj\u00eb klim\u00eb institucionale t\u00eb favorshme p\u00ebr rikthimin e tij, ekziston edhe nj\u00eb opinion publik, ndoshta mazhoritar, q\u00eb ushqen m\u00ebrira sepse e konsideron nj\u00eb \u00abtradh\u00ebtar\u00bb jo vet\u00ebm pse ka braktisur \u00c7ekosllovakin\u00eb m\u00eb 1975, por \u2013 si\u00e7 insinuon nj\u00eb v\u00ebllim i trash\u00eb biografik i Jan Nov\u00e1k i dal\u00eb vitin e kaluar nga sht\u00ebpia botuese \u00e7eke Argo, \u201cMilan Kundera. esk\u00fd ivot a doba\u201d (Milan Kundera. Jeta dhe vitet e tij \u00e7eke) \u2013 edhe pse beson se mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb zhvilluar n\u00eb Paris nj\u00eb funksion ambig informatori sekret p\u00ebr qeverin prosovjetike mbi jet\u00ebt e \u00e7ek\u00ebve t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb emigruar jasht\u00eb vendit.<\/p>\n<p>Teza e Nov\u00e1k, shkak polemikash t\u00eb zjarrta n\u00eb atdhe, mb\u00ebshtetet mbi t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn ish komuniste t\u00eb Konder\u00ebs dhe mbi skandalin e krijuar n\u00eb 2008 nga zbulimi i nj\u00eb dokumenti \u00abshqet\u00ebsues\u00bb, m\u00eb pas i rezultuar autentik, q\u00eb duket se akuzon p\u00ebr \u00abdenoncim\u00bb shkrimtarin i cili n\u00eb 1950, n\u00eb at\u00eb koh\u00eb 21 vje\u00e7ar, rezulton se ka denoncuar nj\u00eb \u00e7ek i rikthyer n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb klandestine t\u00eb atdhe n\u00eb sh\u00ebrbim t\u00eb per\u00ebndimor\u00ebve, Miroslav Dvo\u00e1ek, q\u00eb u d\u00ebnua me 22 vjet pun\u00eb t\u00eb detyruar n\u00eb minierat e uraiunimit, duke dal\u00eb pas 13 vjet\u00ebsh, por n\u00ebn nj\u00eb survejim special.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb at\u00eb koh\u00eb Kundera e refuzoi akuz\u00ebn djeg\u00ebse, duke deklaruar se b\u00ebhej fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb goditje t\u00eb ul\u00ebt, nj\u00eb atentat ndaj figur\u00ebs s\u00eb tij prej shkrimtari. P\u00ebr Nov\u00e1k, magjepsa rinore p\u00ebr komunizmin, deri sa t\u00eb shkruante poezi q\u00eb himnizonin Stalinin \u2013 Kundera nuk ka dashur kurr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb ribotoheshin, duke konsideruar nj\u00eb gabim trashanik t\u00eb asaj q\u00eb quhet \u00abmosha e idilit\u00bb &#8211; dhe \u00abdenoncimi\u00bb i supozuar i dal\u00eb m\u00eb 2008 nuk mund t\u00eb fshihen me nj\u00eb fshir\u00ebse po t\u00eb konsiderosh q\u00ebndrimin kritik q\u00eb shkrimtari mori n\u00eb favor t\u00eb nj\u00eb socializmi me fytyr\u00eb njeriu. Sipas Novak \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm hi syve dhe shprehet i k\u00ebnaqur q\u00eb shkrimtari \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb ujk q\u00eb humbet qimen, por jo mjetin.<\/p>\n<p>\u00cbsht\u00eb nga k\u00ebt\u00eb pozicione \u00abreformiste\u00bb mbi socializmin q\u00eb duam t\u00eb nisemi p\u00ebr t\u00eb analizuar \u00abrastin Kundera\u00bb. Midis fundit t\u00eb 1968 \u2013 disa muaj pas pushtimit sovjetik t\u00eb \u00c7ekosllovakis\u00eb \u2013 dhe fillimit t\u00eb 1969 \u2013 nd\u00ebrsa \u00ebsht\u00eb ende i gjall\u00eb emocioni i \u00e7ek\u00ebve p\u00ebr sakrific\u00ebn e Jan Palach \u2013 n\u00eb disa revista \u00e7ekosllovake u zhvillua ai q\u00eb sigurisht qe nj\u00eb prej debateve m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme europiane mbi lirin\u00eb dhe mbi rolin moral respektivisht totalitarizmit. Protagonist\u00eb t\u00eb debatit: Milan Kundera dhe V\u00e1clav Havel. Ai q\u00eb hap refleksionin qe Kundera m\u00eb 19 dhjetor 1968 tek numri i Krishtlindjes i s\u00eb p\u00ebrjavshmes s\u00eb Bashkimit t\u00eb Shkrimtar\u00ebve \u00c7ekosllovak\u00eb \u201cLiter\u00e1rn\u00ed Listy\u201d me nj\u00eb artikull t\u00eb titulluar \u201cesk\u00fd Ud l: Fati \u00e7ek\u201d.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb lakonicitetin e tij, titulli d\u00ebshmonte p\u00ebr nj\u00eb kontinuitet histori n\u00eb tragjedin\u00eb q\u00eb populli \u00e7ekosllovak po p\u00ebrjetonte. Kundera kishte nd\u00ebrhyr\u00eb n\u00eb debatin q\u00eb revista kishte hapur n\u00eb muajt e m\u00ebparsh\u00ebm hyrja n\u00eb Prag\u00eb e trupave t\u00eb Paktit t\u00eb Varshav\u00ebs me artikullin \u201cI vogli dhe i madhi\u201d, n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin lexohet: \u00abM\u00eb irriton shum\u00eb kur d\u00ebgjoj t\u00eb p\u00ebrdoret shprehja e vjet\u00ebr me krah\u00eb: nj\u00eblloj p\u00ebr nj\u00eblloj. Sepse raporti yn\u00eb me Bashkimin Sovjetik nuk ka qen\u00eb i k\u00ebsaj natyre dhe nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb as sot [\u2026] raportet tona jo vet\u00ebm q\u00eb nuk jan\u00eb raporte t\u00eb barabarta, por nuk jemi as n\u00eb gjendje t\u2019i imagjinojm\u00eb t\u00eb tilla\u00bb.<\/p>\n[\u2026] Nd\u00ebrsa gjendet n\u00eb sht\u00ebpin\u00eb e nj\u00eb miku m\u00eb 24 gusht, me pushtimin tashm\u00eb t\u00eb ndodhur, Kundera d\u00ebgjon t\u00eb q\u00ebllohen disa t\u00eb sht\u00ebna; ka midis duarve nj\u00eb prej teksteve themelore t\u00eb identitetit komb\u00ebtar, at\u00eb ku n\u00eb 1633 emigranti ungjillor Pavel Str\u00e1nsk\u00fd, duke p\u00ebrballuar \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e shtetit \u00e7ek dhe t\u00eb dominimit gjerman mbi Bohemi, v\u00ebren: \u00ab\u00cbsht\u00eb edhe sikur t\u00eb pranohej q\u00eb perandor\u00ebt gjerman\u00eb kan\u00eb ushtruar dhe ushtrojn\u00eb sovranitetin m\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb mbi vendet \u00e7eke dhe q\u00eb \u00e7ek\u00ebt e kan\u00eb refuzuar bindjen e tyre, perandor\u00ebt gjerman\u00eb nuk duhet t\u00eb preferojn\u00eb kund\u00ebr njer\u00ebzve q\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtonin rrug\u00ebn e fakteve dhe t\u00eb arm\u00ebve respektvisht aplikimit t\u00eb detyruar t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs.<\/p>\n<p>Dhe n\u00eb fakt duke pranuar se kush rivendikon me dhun\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb i takon, pa u kujdesur p\u00ebr zbatimin e normave, humbet t\u00eb gjith\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn q\u00eb kishte dhe q\u00eb ve\u00e7 t\u00eb tjerash nuk i duhet drejtuar presionit ku mund t\u00eb trajtohet sipas ligjeve\u00bb.<\/p>\n<p>Por n\u00eb thelbin e Pranver\u00ebs s\u00eb Prag\u00ebs (e shtypur me tanket sovjetike) del s\u00ebrish n\u00eb drit\u00eb, argumenton Kundera, \u00e7\u00ebshtja e fatit \u00e7ek, n\u00eb \u00abtentativ\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar m\u00eb s\u00eb fundit (dhe p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb n\u00eb historin\u00eb bot\u00ebrore) nj\u00eb socializ\u00ebm t\u00eb privuar nga mb\u00ebshtetja e t\u00eb plotfuqishmes polici sekrete, me lirin\u00eb e fjal\u00ebs s\u00eb shkruar e t\u00eb shtypur, me nj\u00eb opinion publik q\u00eb d\u00ebgjohet dhe me nj\u00eb politik\u00eb q\u00eb mb\u00ebshetet mbi t\u00eb, me nj\u00eb kultur\u00eb moderne q\u00eb zhvillohet lirisht dhe me njer\u00ebz m\u00eb s\u00eb fundi t\u00eb liri\u00eb nga frika nj\u00eb tentativ\u00eb me t\u00eb cil\u00ebn \u00e7ek\u00ebt dhe sllovak\u00ebt p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb kan\u00eb nga fundi i Mesjet\u00ebs [\u2026] jan\u00eb vendosur s\u00ebrish n\u00eb qend\u00ebr t\u00eb historis\u00eb dhe i kan\u00eb drejtuar bot\u00ebs apelin e tyre\u00bb.<\/p>\n<p>Fjal\u00eb padyshim magjeps\u00ebse, por sa t\u00eb veshura me romanticiz\u00ebm. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pik\u00eb, mund t\u00eb pritet nj\u00eb pozicion, pa n\u00ebse dhe pa ma, kund\u00ebr pushtimit sovjetik, n\u00eb fakt Kundera rr\u00ebfen: \u00abPor un\u00eb refuzoj ta quaj nj\u00eb katastrof\u00eb kobm\u00ebtare, si\u00e7 b\u00ebhet r\u00ebndom sot n\u00eb opinionin ton\u00eb publik, n\u00eb fakt ankues. N\u00eb ndryshim nga opinioni korrent, guxoj t\u00eb them se ndoshta dometh\u00ebnia e Vjesht\u00ebs \u00e7ekosllovake \u00ebsht\u00eb deri superiore se dometh\u00ebnia e Pranver\u00ebs \u00c7ekosllovake, ka ndodhur n\u00eb fakt di\u00e7ka q\u00eb askush nuk e priste: politika e re e ka b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb konfliktin e tmerrsh\u00ebm se ka \u00e7imentuar prapa vetes t\u00eb gjith\u00eb kombin, pasi ishte nga brenda m\u00eb e fort\u00eb nga sa nuk ishte p\u00ebrpara gushtit\u00bb duke kultivuar k\u00ebshtu \u00abnj\u00eb shpres\u00eb t\u00eb pafundme p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen\u00bb.<\/p>\n<p>Kundera l\u00ebshton n\u00eb fund argumentin e tij kund\u00ebr disfatist\u00ebve: \u00abShpirti \u00e7ek ka sot dy forma. N\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebn, b\u00ebhet nj\u00eb ves q\u00eb refuzon \u00e7do shpres\u00eb dhe miraton t\u00eb gjitha d\u00ebshprimet: \u00ebsht\u00eb shpirti i t\u00eb dob\u00ebtve i degjeneruar n\u00eb pesimiz\u00ebm t\u00eb past\u00ebr e t\u00eb thjesht\u00eb q\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebn klim\u00ebn ideale p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrgatitur humbjen. Pastaj \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe shpirti i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb kritik, q\u00eb di t\u00eb \u00e7markoj\u00eb iluzionet dhe sigurit\u00eb e supozuara, por ka nj\u00ebherazi nj\u00eb siguri ekstreme n\u00eb vetvete, pasi e di se \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb forc\u00eb, nj\u00eb vler\u00eb, nj\u00eb pushtet mbi t\u00eb cil\u00ebn mund t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtoj\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen. Kjo ndjenj\u00eb kritike, q\u00eb fillimisht ka ngjallur Pranver\u00ebn \u00c7ekosllovake dhe m\u00eb pas n\u00eb Vjesht\u00eb u ka rezistuar sulmeve t\u00eb g\u00ebnjeshtrave dhe t\u00eb iracionaliteti, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb pron\u00ebsi e nj\u00eb elite, por virtyti m\u00eb i madh i t\u00eb gjith\u00eb kombit\u00bb.<\/p>\n<p>Pa k\u00ebt\u00eb afirmime t\u00eb fundit, V\u00e1clav Havel ndoshta nuk do t\u00eb kishte rr\u00ebmbyer kart\u00eb e pen\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb replikuar me Kundera, i cili u kishte drejtuar nj\u00eb pyetje t\u00eb thjesht\u00eb emigrat\u00ebve \u00e7ek\u00eb jasht\u00eb vendit q\u00eb refuzonin ftes\u00ebn e drejtuesve komunist\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u riatdhesuar, pasi nuk u besonin garancive t\u00eb ofruara nga regjimi: \u00abV\u00ebrtet nj\u00eb qytetar \u00e7ek nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb gjenbdje t\u00eb rriskoj\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb rrezikon nj\u00eb njeri i shtetit t\u00eb tij? V\u00ebrtet \u00ebsht\u00eb i aft\u00eb t\u00eb jetoj\u00eb pa kaluar rreziqe?\u00bb.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00ebqoft\u00ebse mendojm\u00eb se vet\u00ebm 6 vite pas atyre fjal\u00ebve, n\u00eb 1975, pik\u00ebrisht Kundera do t\u00eb emigroj\u00eb n\u00eb Franc\u00eb pa u kthyer kurr\u00eb n\u00eb atdhe, m\u00eb shum\u00eb se mosp\u00ebrputhja p\u00ebr argumentime t\u00eb ngjashme do t\u00eb duhet t\u2019i kompakt\u00ebsoj\u00eb retiustenc\u00ebn shum\u00eb t\u00eb dob\u00ebt q\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt i vendosn\u00eb regjimit deri sa t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundojn\u00eb n\u00eb burg apo t\u00eb vdisnin nga dora e policis\u00eb politike, si filozofi i \u00abCharta 77\u00bb, Jan Patoka.<\/p>\n<p>I takon k\u00ebshtu Havelit. Pasi q\u00eb gazeta \u201cHost do domu\u201d (Miku n\u00eb sht\u00ebpi) refuzon q\u00eb t\u2019ia botoj\u00eb, Haveli nxjerr n\u00eb shkurt n\u00eb revist\u00ebn \u201cDnesek\u201d dhe n\u00eb revist\u00ebn \u201cTvar\u201d nj\u00eb artikull n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje t\u00eb Kunderas. Titulli \u00ebsht\u00eb i nj\u00ebjti i artikullit t\u00eb Kunderas, por me nj\u00eb pik\u00ebpyetje n\u00eb fund: Fati \u00e7ek? Qysh nga tadh\u00ebt e para kuptohet se do t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00eb kritik\u00eb ironike, por edhe e vrullshme ndaj ideve t\u00eb Kunderas, \u00abatij intelektuali <em>viveur<\/em> moderueshmlrisht skeptik q\u00eb ka qen\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb i prirur t\u00eb shikoj\u00eb sidomos difektet tona\u00bb.<\/p>\n<p>Haveli thekson se p\u00ebrball\u00eb ndjenj\u00ebs s\u00eb pafuqis\u00eb shpirti i \u00e7ek\u00ebve tenton q\u00eb t\u2019i drejtohet se kaluar\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb shmangur q\u00eb t\u00eb marr\u00eb pozicione t\u00eb forta mbi t\u00eb tashmen. Por kjo, v\u00ebren Haveli, d\u00ebshmon nj\u00eb munges\u00eb t\u00eb ndjenj\u00ebs kritike: \u00abKur patrioti \u00e7ek nuk ka mjaftuesh\u00ebm kurajo (dhe pa kuraj\u00eb shpirti i vet\u00ebm kritik \u00ebsht\u00eb i pamenduesh\u00ebm) p\u00ebr ta shikuar n\u00eb fytyr\u00eb t\u00eb tashmen, mizore, por t\u00eb hapur [] drejtohet drejt nj\u00eb t\u00eb kaluare m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb, por tashm\u00eb t\u00eb mbyllur, nj\u00eb t\u00eb kaluare ku t\u00eb gjith\u00eb qen\u00eb bashkuar\u00bb; por k\u00ebshtu \u00abnga kritika shp\u00ebtohet drejt iluzionit\u00bb. [&#8230;]\n<p>Kritika p\u00ebr Kunderan riting\u00ebllon e fort\u00eb dhe e qart\u00eb: \u00abSa \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e leht\u00eb t\u00eb merret taktikisht nj\u00eb pozicion i mjegullt atendist (i mbrojtur nga nj\u00eb admirim abstrakt p\u00ebr kombin), duke adoptuar nj\u00eb \u00e7ik\u00eb shpirtin kritik komb\u00ebtar (at\u00eb &#8220;pozitiv&#8221;), nj\u00eb \u00e7ik\u00eb duke e d\u00ebnuar (at\u00eb &#8220;negativ&#8221;) dhe, mbi t\u00eb gjitha, duke mos i djegur etapat q\u00eb t\u00eb mund t\u00eb mbahen t\u00eb lira duart p\u00ebr \u00e7do eventualitet\u00bb.<\/p>\n[&#8230;]\n<p>Havel n\u00ebnvizon [] se n\u00eb protest\u00ebn e gushtit kund\u00ebr normalizimit sovjetik kishte \u00abdi\u00e7ka shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe se disensi i thjesht\u00eb respektivisht nd\u00ebrhyrjes ushtarake: kishte edhe nj\u00eb lloj referendumi jozyrtar i t\u00eb gjith\u00eb popullit mbi t\u00eb cilin do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb ishin raportet n\u00eb vend: ishte premtimi i madh reciprok q\u00eb nga disa vlera t\u00eb caktuara nuk do t\u00eb largohemi kurr\u00eb\u00bb.<\/p>\n<p>P\u00ebr Havelin \u00abrikthimi n\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn ka kuptim vet\u00ebm si apel ndaj aksionit n\u00eb t\u00eb tashmen\u00bb. Dhe ja ridetyron pyetjen Kunderas: a mund t\u00eb shpresohet n\u00eb lirin\u00eb e fjal\u00ebs dhe t\u00eb mbledhjes; n\u00eb nj\u00eb politik\u00eb t\u00eb hapur e t\u00eb kontrolluar nga opinioni pulbik dhe n\u00eb nj\u00eb qeveri realisht demokratike; n\u00eb nj\u00eb pluraliz\u00ebm politik ligjor; n\u00eb nj\u00eb ristrukturim ekonomik, dometh\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb politik\u00eb t\u00eb jashtme sovrane? Pyetje t\u00eb thjeshta dhe legjitime q\u00eb t\u00eb mund t\u00eb afirmohet se nj\u00eb vend \u00ebsht\u00eb i aft\u00eb t\u00eb mendoj\u00eb vet\u00ebveten dhe t\u00eb vet\u00ebp\u00ebrcaktohet. [&#8230;]\n<p>(<em>Botojm\u00eb nj\u00eb ekstrakt nga nj\u00eb artikull q\u00eb do t\u00eb botohet n\u00eb \u201cVita e Pensiero\u201d, dymujore kulturore e Universitetit Katolik t\u00eb Sacro Cuore, n\u00eb dalje me 13 janar. Aritkulli, i titulluar \u201cShrkimtar\u00eb midis Lindjes dhe per\u00ebndimit nga Haveli tek Kundera\u201d, p\u00ebrshkruan polemik\u00ebn e ndodhur m\u00eb 1968 midis presidentit t\u00eb ardhsh\u00ebm \u00e7ek dhe dramaturgut autor i romanit t\u00eb famsh\u00ebm \u201cLeht\u00ebsia e paz\u00ebvend\u00ebsueshme e t\u00eb qenit\u201d<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p><strong>P\u00ebrgatiti<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>ARMIN TIRANA<\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>N\u00eb Republik\u00ebn \u00c7eke rritet armiq\u00ebsia ndaj riatdhesimit t\u00eb shkrimtarit t\u00eb arratisur n\u00eb Franc\u00eb m\u00eb 1975: N\u00eb Paris kan\u00eb informuar qeverinl prosovjetike t\u00eb Prag\u00ebs. Si i ri kishte denoncuar nj\u00eb mik q\u00eb u d\u00ebnua me 22 vite pun\u00eb t\u00eb detyruar n\u00eb minierat e uraniumit. Polemikat n\u00eb \u201968 me Havelin. Presidenti i ardhsh\u00ebm e likudoi Kunder\u00ebn si &hellip;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":2613,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"om_disable_all_campaigns":false,"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[42],"tags":[],"aioseo_notices":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2612"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2612"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2612\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/2613"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2612"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=2612"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=2612"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}