{"id":21808,"date":"2022-08-29T09:29:51","date_gmt":"2022-08-29T09:29:51","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/?p=21808"},"modified":"2022-08-29T09:29:51","modified_gmt":"2022-08-29T09:29:51","slug":"objektivat-dhe-limitet-e-shtytjes-turke-ne-ballkanin-perendimor","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/2022\/08\/29\/objektivat-dhe-limitet-e-shtytjes-turke-ne-ballkanin-perendimor\/","title":{"rendered":"Objektivat dhe limitet e shtytjes turke n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>N\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor, (ish) superfuqi t\u00eb caktuara b\u00ebjn\u00eb xhiro pafund dhe pastaj kthehen. \u00cbsht\u00eb rasti, p\u00ebr shembull, i Turqis\u00eb s\u00eb presidentit Recep Tayyip Erdogan. Midis Ankaras\u00eb dhe kryeqyteteve ballkanike ekzistojn\u00eb lidhje me natyr\u00eb historike dhe kulturore q\u00eb i takojn\u00eb dominimit otoman t\u00eb gadishullit, emri turk i t\u00eb cilit, sipas disa interpretimeve, do t\u00eb konsolidonin lidhjen oksimorike t\u00eb stereotipeve mbi rajonin: <em>Bal <\/em>\u2013 <em>kan<\/em>, dometh\u00ebn\u00eb mjalt\u00eb dhe gjak. Megjithat\u00eb ajo turke \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb influenc\u00eb q\u00eb i p\u00ebrket s\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs otomane m\u00eb shum\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrk\u00ebdhelur substanc\u00ebn e raporteve me Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb, Bosnje \u2013 Hercegovin\u00ebn, Kosov\u00ebn dhe Serbin\u00eb sesa p\u00ebr t\u00eb rivendosur nj\u00eb qasje perandorake mbi rajonin. K\u00ebshtu raportet strukturohen p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb dy vijave drejtuese. Paras\u00ebgjithash, ajo treg\u00ebtare: n\u00eb 10 vitet e fundit, n\u00eb virtyt t\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjeve t\u00eb treg\u00ebtis\u00eb s\u00eb lir\u00eb, Turqia e ka intensifikuar ndjesh\u00ebm influenc\u00ebn e saj ekonomike mbi t\u00eb gjitha vendet ballkanike. Vija drejtuese e dyt\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb me karakter politik dhe diplomatik: Turqia e Erdoganit provon n\u00eb fakt t\u00eb rigjej\u00eb nj\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00eb n\u00eb boshll\u00ebkun e krijuar nga aktor\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00eb global\u00eb, <em>in primis<\/em> Bashkimi Europian, besueshm\u00ebria e t\u00eb cilit n\u00eb rajon p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb vihet n\u00eb diskutim, por se b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb raport monodireksional, n\u00eb interes thuajse ekskluzivisht t\u00eb Ankaras\u00eb dhe t\u00eb presidentit turk. Nga ngjitja politike e tij, Erdogan k\u00ebrkon q\u00eb vihet n\u00eb krye t\u00eb komuniteteve myslimane n\u00eb nivel global dhe e nj\u00ebjta gj\u00eb ndodh n\u00eb Bosnje dhe n\u00eb rajonin serb t\u00eb Sanxhakut. Por rikthime t\u00eb nj\u00eb qasjeje t\u00eb till\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb drejtuara p\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr nga politika e brendshme: objektivi \u00ebsht\u00eb ai i paraqitjes tek elektorati turk si nj\u00eb lider me kariz\u00ebm nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb ruaj\u00eb interesat e vendit t\u00eb tij n\u00eb nj\u00eb zon\u00eb historike influence t\u00eb tij.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Nj\u00eb neo \u2013 otomaniz\u00ebm?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Politika turke n\u00eb Ballkan ka mbetur pothuajse e pandryshuar n\u00eb 30 vitet e fundit. Ajo q\u00eb ka ndryshuar me ardhjen e Erdoganit \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb metodologjia: n\u00ebse pararend\u00ebsit e tij parap\u00eblqenin nj\u00eb qasje multilaterale p\u00ebr rajonin \u2013 q\u00eb nga vitet \u20182000 ka filluar me afrimin e tij n\u00eb NATO \u2013 presidenti aktual ka preferuar m\u00eb shum\u00eb raportet bilaterale me vendet e ve\u00e7anta. Termi neo \u2013 otomaniz\u00ebm i referohet m\u00eb shum\u00eb dukjes sesa p\u00ebrmbajtjes s\u00eb raporteve n\u00eb rajon dhe, si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb th\u00ebn\u00eb, sh\u00ebrben si instrument p\u00ebr propagand\u00ebn e brendshme m\u00eb par\u00eb akoma se p\u00ebr komunitetet sunite lokale. Duke shikuar disa t\u00eb dh\u00ebna n\u00eb fakt Turqia e Erdoganit i ka intensifikuar raportet e saj treg\u00ebtare n\u00eb mas\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe n\u00eb disa prej k\u00ebtyre vendeve ku e kaluara otomane lexohet si nj\u00eb periudh\u00eb represioni ndaj identitetit komb\u00ebtar, si Serbia. V\u00ebllimi i eksporteve ndaj Beogradit \u00ebsht\u00eb jo vet\u00ebm m\u00eb konsistenti n\u00eb rajon, por edhe ai me trendin e rritjes m\u00eb t\u00eb madh, sidomos n\u00ebse krahasohet me ato ndaj Bosnje \u2013 Hercegovin\u00ebs apo Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb, ku popullsia me besimin islamik \u00ebsht\u00eb mazhoritare. Pra ai i Erdoganit m\u00eb shum\u00eb se mbi t\u00eb ashtuquajturin neo \u2013 otomaniz\u00ebm \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb qasje e mbrujtur mbi pragmatizmin, nga momenti q\u00eb Serbia p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson nj\u00eb partner strategjik p\u00ebr t\u00eb ruajtur interesat turke. Ve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj, Serbia \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb gur themelor n\u00eb gazsjell\u00ebsin ruso \u2013 turk <em>TurkStream<\/em>, segmenti ballkanik i t\u00eb cilit, q\u00eb lidh t\u00eb dy vendet an\u00ebtare t\u00eb Bashkimit Europian (Bullgaris\u00eb dhe Hungaris\u00eb), \u00ebsht\u00eb inauguruar vitin e kaluar dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb q\u00eb Ankaraja n\u00eb fundin e 2021 u n\u00ebnkuptua indirekt si nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsues i kriz\u00ebs institucionale t\u00eb Bosnje \u2013 Hercegovin\u00ebs, ku autoritetet e entitetit me shumic\u00eb serbe prej nj\u00eb viti po minojn\u00eb institucionet e shtetit q\u00ebndror boshnjak. Faktikisht, p\u00ebr Turqin\u00eb, stabiliteti gjeopolitik i Ballkanit \u00ebsht\u00eb paras\u00ebgjithash nj\u00eb garanci p\u00ebr ruajtjen e interesave t\u00eb saj n\u00eb rajon.<\/p>\n<p>Pak jav\u00eb p\u00ebrpara se t\u00eb goditej nga sanksionet amerikane p\u00ebr k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimet e tij ndaj paqes dhe stabilitetit t\u00eb Bosnje \u2013 Herecgovin\u00ebs, an\u00ebtari serb i presidenc\u00ebs tripal\u00ebshe, Milorad Dodik, kishte takuar Erdoganin n\u00eb Ankara. Takimi, i mbajtur n\u00eb fillimet e n\u00ebntorit 2021, i kishte b\u00ebr\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb mendonin se presidenti turk kishte nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsuar midis tri pal\u00ebve. \u201cBsesoj se Erdogani natyrisht q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i interesuar t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtes\u00eb dhe ndihmoj\u00eb boshnjak\u00ebt, por jam edhe i bindur nga kontaktet e ndryshme q\u00eb kam pasur me t\u00eb se nuk do t\u00eb b\u00ebnte asgj\u00eb lidhur me popujt e tjer\u00eb t\u00eb Bosnje &#8211; Herecgovin\u00ebs\u201d, tha Dodik n\u00eb vigjilje t\u00eb takimit. Dhe kishte t\u00eb drejt\u00eb. Megjith\u00ebse presidenti turk \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb popullor midis mysliman\u00ebve boshnjak\u00eb \u2013 si\u00e7 e demonstron takimi q\u00eb mbajti n\u00eb Sarajev\u00eb p\u00ebrpara zgjedhjeve t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithshme m\u00eb 2018 \u2013 edhe serb\u00eb e kroat\u00eb t\u00eb Bosnjes mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrfitojn\u00eb nga ndihmat p\u00ebr zhvillimin dhe projektet e financuara nga Ankaraja. Nj\u00eb prej k\u00ebtyre \u00ebsht\u00eb patjet\u00ebr autostrada Beograd \u2013 Sarajev\u00eb, e quajtur nga vet\u00eb Erdogani \u201cnj\u00eb projekt paqeje\u201d. Respektivisht aktor\u00ebve t\u00eb tjer\u00eb global\u00eb aktiv\u00eb n\u00eb rajon, Turqi ka resurse t\u00eb kufizuara, nj\u00eb sistem financiar t\u00eb brisht\u00eb dhe nj\u00eb ekonomi n\u00eb kriz\u00eb. Edhe n\u00eb iniciativat diplomatike pragmatizmi bilateral i Erdoganit synpn q\u00eb t\u00eb ruaj\u00eb interesat e tij, n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet ruajtjes s\u00eb nj\u00eb rendi paqeje n\u00eb nivel lokal. S\u00eb fundi, meriton p\u00ebrmendje fakti q\u00eb Turqia ka shfr\u00ebyt\u00ebzuar pranin\u00eb ekonomike t\u00eb saj p\u00ebr t\u00eb ruajtur qeverit\u00eb lokale me q\u00ebllim q\u00eb t\u00eb mbylleshin institutet e konsideruara t\u00eb af\u00ebrta me Fetullah Gulenin, t\u00eb cilin regjimi turk e akuzon se \u00ebsht\u00eb organizatori i grusht shtetit t\u00eb tentuar t\u00eb 2016, pse jo edhe duke k\u00ebrkuar t\u00eb ekstradoj\u00eb aktivist\u00ebt e dyshuar t\u00eb tij.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Nj\u00eb konkurrenc\u00eb gjeopolitike?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><em>Partnershipi<\/em> treg\u00ebtar midis Turqis\u00eb dhe Ballkanit nuk mund t\u00eb krahasohet me at\u00eb t\u00eb aktor\u00ebve t\u00eb tjer\u00eb global\u00eb, si Bashkimi Europian, Kina apo Rusia, por ajo q\u00eb e dallon \u00ebsht\u00eb rritja e tij. Nj\u00eb <em>trend<\/em> q\u00eb i p\u00ebrbashkon t\u00eb gjith\u00eb aktor\u00ebt e Lindjes s\u00eb Mesme q\u00eb n\u00eb 10 vitet e fundit kan\u00eb filluar t\u00eb investojn\u00eb n\u00eb Ballkan. Pra, p\u00ebr Ankaran\u00eb, Ballkani ka p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuar edhe terrenin mbi t\u00eb cilin t\u00eb konfrontohet me disa rival\u00eb t\u00eb tij historik\u00eb rajonal\u00eb. Rivaliteti q\u00eb i kund\u00ebrv\u00eb dy blloqe t\u00eb dallueshme n\u00eb kuadrantitn e Lindjes s\u00eb Mesme, me Arabin\u00eb Saudite (dhe Izraelin) nga nj\u00ebra an\u00eb dhe Turqin\u00eb e Katarin (dhe mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebsit e tij t\u00eb tjer\u00eb t\u00eb V\u00ebllaz\u00ebris\u00eb Myslimane) nga ana tjet\u00ebr, reflektohet proporcionalisht edhe n\u00eb rajonin ballkanik.<\/p>\n<p>Objektivi final i t\u00eb dyja rreshtimeve \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb fitojn\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetjen e komuniteteve sunite lokale. Duke provuar t\u00eb thjeshtojm\u00eb, mund t\u00eb thuhet se p\u00ebr momentin Turqia \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb popullore n\u00eb Bosnje \u2013 Hercegovin\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa n\u00eb Sanxhak, me bashk\u00ebfaj\u00ebsin\u00eb e lider\u00ebve politik\u00eb lokal\u00eb, saudit\u00ebt kan\u00eb kapje m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe midis popullsis\u00eb. Diferenca \u00ebsht\u00eb me karakter kulturor dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb rezultati i dy interpretimeve t\u00eb dallueshme t\u00eb islamit: atij m\u00eb t\u00eb moderuar \u2013 dhe t\u00eb infektuar nga kulturat per\u00ebndimore \u2013 i Turqis\u00eb, n\u00eb kund\u00ebrv\u00ebnie me konservatorizmin wahabit t\u00eb Arabis\u00eb Saudite. I pari \u00ebsht\u00eb patjet\u00ebr dominues, m\u00eb af\u00ebrt me tradit\u00ebn fetare t\u00eb mysliman\u00ebve t\u00eb Ballkanit, por i dyti \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb rritje dhe mb\u00ebshtetet nga nj\u00eb vend ekonomikisht m\u00eb i fort\u00eb. K\u00ebshtu, konkurrenca n\u00eb Ballkan konkretizohet paras\u00ebgjithash n\u00eb sfer\u00ebn religjioze: financimet p\u00ebr t\u00eb rind\u00ebrtuar xhamit\u00eb e shkat\u00ebrruara gjat\u00eb luft\u00ebs, hapja e qendrave kulturore, instituteve fetare dhe e medreseve demonstrojn\u00eb sesi feja islamike, n\u00eb disa komunitete, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb instrument efikas i <em>soft power<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb p\u00ebrmbyllje, Turqia nuk po \u201ckthehet\u201d n\u00eb Ballkan: m\u00eb thjesht, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb larguar kurr\u00eb. Ai i Recep Tayyip Erdogan nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb neo \u2013 otomaniz\u00ebm, por nj\u00eb diplomaci pragmatiste, n\u00eb gjendje q\u00eb t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetet retorikisht mbi t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn otomane, q\u00eb k\u00ebrkon t\u00eb ruaj\u00eb interesat turke jasht\u00eb vendit n\u00eb nj\u00eb moment v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsis\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha ekonomike dhe financiare. S\u00eb fundi, Ballkani i ofron mund\u00ebsin\u00eb e konkurrimit me <em>partner<\/em> rajonal\u00eb n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet nj\u00eb influence religjioze q\u00eb t\u00eb \u00e7on tek strategjia globale e Erdoganit p\u00ebr t\u2019i ngritur n\u00eb guid\u00eb politike dhe pik\u00eb referimi p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb mysliman\u00ebt sunit\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>(nga <em>Aspen Institute<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p><strong>P\u00ebrgatiti<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>ARMIN TIRANA<\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>N\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor, (ish) superfuqi t\u00eb caktuara b\u00ebjn\u00eb xhiro pafund dhe pastaj kthehen. \u00cbsht\u00eb rasti, p\u00ebr shembull, i Turqis\u00eb s\u00eb presidentit Recep Tayyip Erdogan. Midis Ankaras\u00eb dhe kryeqyteteve ballkanike ekzistojn\u00eb lidhje me natyr\u00eb historike dhe kulturore q\u00eb i takojn\u00eb dominimit otoman t\u00eb gadishullit, emri turk i t\u00eb cilit, sipas disa interpretimeve, do t\u00eb konsolidonin lidhjen &hellip;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":21809,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"om_disable_all_campaigns":false,"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[38],"tags":[],"aioseo_notices":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/21808"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=21808"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/21808\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/21809"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=21808"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=21808"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=21808"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}