{"id":18027,"date":"2022-07-16T09:20:02","date_gmt":"2022-07-16T09:20:02","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/?p=18027"},"modified":"2022-07-16T11:56:35","modified_gmt":"2022-07-16T11:56:35","slug":"lufte-shok-dhe-indinjate-dilema-e-vijes-se-kuqe","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/2022\/07\/16\/lufte-shok-dhe-indinjate-dilema-e-vijes-se-kuqe\/","title":{"rendered":"Luft\u00eb, shok dhe indinjat\u00eb. Dilema e vij\u00ebs s\u00eb kuqe"},"content":{"rendered":"

Ekskluzive \u2013 J\u00fcrgen Habermas mbi p\u00ebrgjigjen ndaj pushtimit t\u00eb Ukrain\u00ebs<\/strong><\/p>\n

77 vite pas mbarimit t\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore dhe 33 pas p\u00ebrfundimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb paqeje t\u00eb mbrojtur me ekuilibrin e terrorit, edhe pse vet\u00ebm t\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnuar, jan\u00eb kthyer n\u00eb dyert tona imazhet trondit\u00ebse t\u00eb nj\u00eb lufte t\u00eb shp\u00ebrthyer abritrarisht nga Rusia. Si kurr\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb, prania mediatike e k\u00ebsaj lufte dominon jet\u00ebn ton\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrditshme. Nj\u00eb president ukrainas q\u00eb e njeh mir\u00eb pushtetin e imazheve \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb mesazhe t\u00eb fuqishme, nd\u00ebrsa skenat e p\u00ebrditshme t\u00eb shkat\u00ebrrimit krudo dhe viuajtjes mizore gjejn\u00eb nj\u00eb jehon\u00eb vet\u00ebfreskuese n\u00eb rrjetet sociale per\u00ebndimore. Risia e mediatizimit dhe e publicizimit t\u00eb kalkuluar t\u00eb nj\u00eb ngjarjeje luftarake t\u00eb paparashikueshme mund t\u00eb impresionojn\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb ne t\u00eb moshuarit sesa t\u00eb rinjt\u00eb, t\u00eb m\u00ebsuar me sistemin e ri medial.<\/p>\n

T\u00eb aft\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb sken\u00eb ose jo, k\u00ebto jan\u00eb fakte q\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb prov\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb nervat tona dhe efekti shokues i t\u00eb cilit kontribuon n\u00eb vet\u00ebdijen e af\u00ebrsis\u00eb territoriale t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj lufte. K\u00ebshtu, midis spektator\u00ebve per\u00ebndimor\u00eb rritet shqet\u00ebsimi p\u00ebr \u00e7do vdekje, shoku ndaj \u00e7do vrasjeje, indinjata ndaj \u00e7do krimi lufte dhe d\u00ebshira p\u00ebr t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb di\u00e7ka lidhur me k\u00ebt\u00eb. Sfondi racional n\u00eb k\u00ebto emocione rizien n\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb vendin \u00ebsht\u00eb pozicionimi evident kund\u00ebr Putinit dhe nj\u00eb qeverie ruse q\u00eb ka nisur nj\u00eb luft\u00eb agresioni n\u00eb shkelje t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare dhe q\u00eb po ndjek nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb sistematikisht barbare t\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebrit luft\u00ebn n\u00eb shkelje t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs humanitare nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n

Pavar\u00ebsisht k\u00ebt\u00eb pozicionim unanim, nj\u00eb qasje e diferencuar po del midis qeverive t\u00eb aleanc\u00ebs s\u00eb shteteve per\u00ebndimore dhe n\u00eb Gjermani nj\u00eb betej\u00eb inkandeshente opinionesh, e ushqyer nga mediat, ka shp\u00ebrthyer mbi natyr\u00ebn dhe shtrirjen e ndihm\u00ebs ushtarake ndaj nj\u00eb Ukraine t\u00eb goditur r\u00ebnd\u00eb. K\u00ebrkesat e Ukrain\u00ebs, pafaj\u00ebsisht e sulmuar, i transformojn\u00eb pashmangshm\u00ebrisht gabimet e vler\u00ebsimit politik dhe rrug\u00ebtimet e gabuara e qeverive t\u00eb m\u00ebparshme federale n\u00eb nj\u00eb shantazh moral. Jan\u00eb k\u00ebrkesa sa t\u00eb kuptueshme, aq edhe natyrale emocionesh, dhembshurie dhe nevoje p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndihmuar q\u00eb shp\u00ebrthejn\u00eb tek t\u00eb gjith\u00eb ne.<\/p>\n

Megjithat\u00eb m\u00eb irriton siguria n\u00eb vet\u00ebevete me t\u00eb cil\u00ebn akuzuesit moralisht t\u00eb indinjuar n\u00eb Gjermani e marrin kund\u00ebr nj\u00eb qeverie federale refeltkeuse dhe t\u00eb matur. N\u00eb nj\u00eb intervist\u00eb p\u00ebr Der Spiegel<\/em>, kancelari e ka p\u00ebrmbledhur politik\u00ebn e tij me nj\u00eb shprehje t\u00eb vetme: \u201cPo p\u00ebrballojm\u00eb vuajtjen q\u00eb Rusia po i shkakton Ukrain\u00ebs me t\u00eb gjitha mjetet n\u00eb dispozicionin ton\u00eb, duke k\u00ebrkuar q\u00eb t\u00eb shmanget nj\u00eb eskalim i pakontrolluesh\u00ebm q\u00eb shkakton nj\u00eb vuajtje t\u00eb pamatshme n\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb kontinentin, ndoshta edhe n\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb bot\u00ebn\u201d. Duke vendosur Per\u00ebndimi p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos nd\u00ebrhyr\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb konflikt si nd\u00ebrluftues, ka nj\u00eb prag rreziku q\u00eb p\u00ebrjashton nj\u00eb impenjim t\u00eb pakufizuar n\u00eb armatosjen e Ukrain\u00ebs. Kjo ka qen\u00eb v\u00ebnia n\u00eb zjarr edhe nj\u00eb her\u00eb akoma nga mb\u00ebshtetja s\u00eb qeveris\u00eb ton\u00eb me aleat\u00ebt n\u00eb mbledhjen e Ramstein, ashtu si nga k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimi i rinovuar i Lavrovit p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur arm\u00ebt b\u00ebrthamore. Njer\u00ebz q\u00eb injorojn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb prag dhe vazhdojn\u00eb ta shtyjn\u00eb kancelarin gjerman gjithmon\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim, me nj\u00eb rit\u00ebm agresiv dhe sikumer, e err\u00ebsojn\u00eb apo e keqp\u00ebrdorin dilem\u00ebn n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn gjendet Per\u00ebndimi, duke par\u00eb se i ka lidhur duart vet\u00eb me vendimin, edhe ai moralisht i mb\u00ebshtetur, p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos u b\u00ebr\u00eb pjes\u00eb e k\u00ebsaj lufte.<\/p>\n

Dilema q\u00eb e detyron Per\u00ebndimin t\u00eb peshoj\u00eb me rrezik alternativat n\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00eb midis t\u00eb dy t\u00eb k\u00ebqijave \u00ebsht\u00eb e qart\u00eb: nj\u00eb humbje e Ukrain\u00ebs apo eskalimi i nj\u00eb konflikti t\u00eb kufizuar n\u00eb nj\u00eb Luft\u00eb t\u00eb Tret\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore. Nga nj\u00ebra an\u00eb, kemi m\u00ebsuar leksionin e Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb sipas t\u00eb cilit nj\u00eb luft\u00eb kund\u00ebr nj\u00eb fuqie b\u00ebrthamore nuk mund t\u00eb \u201cfitohet\u201d n\u00eb asnj\u00eb kuptim t\u00eb ar\u00ebsyesh\u00ebm, t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn jo me forc\u00ebn ushtarake brenda termash t\u00eb qart\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00eb konflikti t\u00eb nxeht\u00eb. Potenciali i k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimit b\u00ebrthamor n\u00ebnkupton se pala e k\u00ebrc\u00ebnuar, q\u00eb posedon t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtat arm\u00eb b\u00ebrthamore apo jo, nuk mund t\u2019i jap\u00eb fund shkat\u00ebrrimit t\u00eb paduruesh\u00ebm t\u00eb shkaktuar nga p\u00ebrdorimi i forc\u00ebs ushtarake me nj\u00eb fitore, por maksimumi me nj\u00eb kompromis q\u00eb ua ruan fytyr\u00ebn t\u00eb dyja pal\u00ebve. Asnj\u00ebra nuk duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebsoj\u00eb nj\u00eb humbje q\u00eb e b\u00ebn ta lej\u00eb fush\u00ebbetej\u00ebn si \u201chumb\u00ebse\u201d. Negociatat p\u00ebr arm\u00ebpushimin q\u00eb po zhvillohen n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me luftimet jan\u00eb nj\u00eb shprehje e k\u00ebsak vet\u00ebdijeje: ata mund\u00ebsojn\u00eb p\u00ebr momentin t\u00eb konsiderohet armiku si nj\u00eb partner i mundsh\u00ebm negociues. Potenciali i k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimit rus varet, me \u00e7do d\u00ebshmi, nga fakti q\u00eb Per\u00ebndimi beson se Putini \u00ebsht\u00eb i aft\u00eb t\u00eb rreshtoj\u00eb arm\u00ebt e shkat\u00ebrrimit n\u00eb mas\u00eb. N\u00eb realitet, gjat\u00eb jav\u00ebve t\u00eb fundit, CIA ka paralajm\u00ebruar tashm\u00eb p\u00ebr rrezikun real q\u00eb mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrdoren arm\u00ebt b\u00ebrthamore e ashtuquajtura t\u00eb \u201cvogla\u201d (q\u00eb duksh\u00ebm jan\u00eb zhvilluar vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb s\u00ebrish t\u00eb mundshme luft\u00ebrat midis fuqive b\u00ebrthamore). Kjo i jep pal\u00ebs ruse nj\u00eb avantazh asimetrik ndaj NATO, e cila, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb shkall\u00ebs apokaliptike t\u00eb nj\u00eb fuqie potenciale bot\u00ebrore \u2013 me pjes\u00ebmarrjen e 4 fuqive b\u00ebrthamore \u2013 nuk d\u00ebshiron t\u00eb b\u00ebhet pjes\u00eb e k\u00ebtij konflikti.<\/p>\n

Tani \u00ebsht\u00eb Putini q\u00eb vendos Per\u00ebndimin n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet pragut t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktuar nga e drejta nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare \u2013 p\u00ebrtej t\u00eb cil\u00ebs ai konsideron, edhe formalisht, mb\u00ebshtetjen ushtarake t\u00eb Per\u00ebndimit p\u00ebr Ukrain\u00ebn si nj\u00eb pjes\u00ebmarrje n\u00eb luft\u00eb. P\u00ebrball\u00eb rrezikut t\u00eb nj\u00eb konflagrimi bot\u00ebror, q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb shmanget me \u00e7do kusht, pap\u00ebrcaktueshm\u00ebria e k\u00ebtij vendim nuk l\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00eb ndaj loj\u00ebrave rrezikuese t\u00eb pokerit. Edhe sikur Per\u00ebndimi t\u00eb ishte mjaft cinik sa ta konsideronte rrezikun implicit n\u00eb \u201cparalajm\u00ebrimin\u201d se nj\u00eb arm\u00eb e till\u00eb b\u00ebrthamore e \u201cvog\u00ebl\u201d mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrdoret \u2013 dometh\u00ebn\u00eb, t\u00eb p\u00ebrdoret nj\u00eb p\u00ebrdorim i till\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb skenar m\u00eb t\u00eb keq \u2013 kush mund t\u00eb garantoj\u00eb se nj\u00eb eskalim i till\u00eb mund t\u00eb ndalet? Ajo q\u00eb mbetet \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb marzh argumentimi q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb peshohet me kujdes n\u00eb drit\u00ebn e dijeve t\u00eb nevojshme specialistike dhe t\u00eb gjitha informacioneve t\u00eb k\u00ebrkuara, jo gjithmon\u00eb t\u00eb disponueshme p\u00ebr publikun, q\u00eb t\u00eb mond t\u00eb marr\u00eb nga vendimet e bazuara. Duke vendosur sanksione drastike qysh nga fillimi, Per\u00ebndimi nuk ka v\u00ebn\u00eb dyshime mbi pjes\u00ebmarrjen e tij de facto<\/em> n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb konflikt. Tani, duhet vler\u00ebsuar me kujdes n\u00ebse, ndaj \u00e7do nivelit t\u00eb m\u00ebtejsh\u00ebm t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetjes ushtarake, nuk po e kalon kufirin e pap\u00ebrcaktuar nga hyrja formale n\u00eb luft\u00eb \u2013 <\/em>i pap\u00ebrcaktuar sepse varet nga pushteti i p\u00ebrkufizimit i vet\u00eb Putinit.<\/em><\/p>\n

Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, si\u00e7 e di mir\u00eb Rusia, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj asimetrie, Per\u00ebndimi nuk mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb i shantazhuar sipas qejfit. Sikur t\u00eb duhej thjesht ta braktiste Ukrain\u00ebn n\u00eb fatin e saj nuk do t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb skandal nga pik\u00ebpamja politike dhe morale, por do t\u00eb ishte edhe kund\u00ebr vet\u00eb interesit t\u00eb saj. Kjo sepse m\u00eb pas duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb gati t\u00eb luaj\u00eb s\u00ebrish n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn rulet\u00eb ruse n\u00eb Gjeorgji apo n\u00eb Moldavi \u2013 dhe kush mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb i ardhshmi? Sigurisht, asimetria q\u00eb e \u00e7on Per\u00ebndimin n\u00eb nj\u00eb rreth vicioz afatgjat\u00eb q\u00ebndron vet\u00ebm derikur vazhdon t\u00eb shmang\u00eb \u2013 me ar\u00ebsye t\u00eb mira \u2013 rrezikun e nj\u00eb lufte bot\u00ebrore. P\u00ebr pasoj\u00eb, argumenti se Putini nuk duhet v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb cep sepse at\u00ebhere i aft\u00eb p\u00ebr gjith\u00e7ka kund\u00ebrshtohet nga fakti q\u00eb vet\u00ebm kjo \u201cpolitik\u00eb e frik\u00ebs\u201d i jep kund\u00ebrshtarit dor\u00eb t\u00eb lir\u00eb p\u00ebr ta shtyr\u00eb hap pas hapi drejt nj\u00eb eskalimi t\u00eb konfliktit, si\u00e7 ka n\u00ebnvizuar koh\u00ebt e fundit Ralf F\u00fccks n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb gazet\u00eb. Edhe ky argument, natyrisht, nuk b\u00ebn ve\u00e7se konfirmon natyr\u00ebn e nj\u00eb situate thelb\u00ebsisht t\u00eb paprashikueshme. Derikur jemi t\u00eb vendosur, me ar\u00ebsye t\u00eb mira, p\u00ebr t\u00eb shmangur nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj lufte p\u00ebr ta mbrojtur Ukrain\u00ebn, lloji dhe zgjerimi i tenenc\u00ebs ushtarake duhet t\u00eb kualifikohet edhe n\u00eb drit\u00ebn e konsideratave t\u00eb tilla. Njer\u00ebz q\u00eb i kund\u00ebrvihen ndjekjes s\u00eb nj\u00eb \u201cpolitike t\u00eb frik\u00ebs\u201d n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb ar\u00ebsyesh\u00ebm t\u00eb justifikueshme gjenden tashm\u00eb n\u00eb aspektin e k\u00ebtij argumentimi mbi t\u00eb cil\u00ebn konsiston korrekt\u00ebsisht kancelari Olaf Scholz, dometh\u00ebn\u00eb si nj\u00eb ponderim politikisht i p\u00ebrgjegjsh\u00ebm dhe i nj\u00eb vler\u00ebsimi ezaurues t\u00eb fakteve.<\/p>\n

B\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019i kushtuar v\u00ebmendje asaj q\u00eb e konsiderojm\u00eb t\u00eb pranueshme nga ana e Putinit p\u00ebr nj\u00eb limit ligj\u00ebrisht t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktuar se jemi vet\u00ebimponuar. Kundr\u00ebshtar\u00ebt e zjarrt\u00eb t\u00eb linj\u00ebs s\u00eb qeveris\u00eb jan\u00eb inkoherente kur mohojn\u00eb implikimet e nj\u00eb vendimi themelor q\u00eb nuk e v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb diskutim. Vendimi p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos marr\u00eb pjes\u00eb nuk n\u00ebnkupton se Per\u00ebndimi duhet ta l\u00ebr\u00eb \u2013 up to the point of immediate involvement <\/em>\u2013 Ukrain\u00ebn n\u00eb fatin e saj n\u00eb luft\u00ebn me nj\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtar superior. Furnizimet me arm\u00eb mund t\u00eb ken\u00eb natyrisht nj\u00eb impakt pozitiv mbi rrjedh\u00ebn e luft\u00ebs, q\u00eb Ukraina \u00ebsht\u00eb e vendosur t\u00eb ndjek\u00eb edhe me koston e sakrificave t\u00eb r\u00ebnda. Por a nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb iluzion i past\u00ebr t\u00eb v\u00ebsh bast kund\u00ebr luft\u00ebs vrastare t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb pa rrokur arm\u00ebt n\u00eb vet\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb? Retorika luftarake i p\u00ebrshtatet m\u00eb pak sken\u00ebs nga e cila vjen zhurmsh\u00ebm. Pasi q\u00eb ajo nuk minimizon paparashikueshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e nj\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtari q\u00eb mund ta synoj\u00eb gjith\u00e7ka n\u00eb nj\u00eb hart\u00eb t\u00eb vetme. Dilema e Per\u00ebndimit \u00ebsht\u00eb se mund t\u2019i tregoj\u00eb vet\u00ebm Putinit \u2013 se mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb gati p\u00ebr nj\u00eb eskalim b\u00ebrthamor \u2013 parimin e integritetit t\u00eb kufijve shtet\u00ebror\u00eb n\u00eb Europ\u00eb dhe t\u2019i siguroj\u00eb nj\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetje t\u00eb vet\u00ebkufizuar Ukrain\u00ebs. Nj\u00eb ndihm\u00eb q\u00eb mbetet k\u00ebtej vij\u00ebs s\u00eb kuqe s\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrfshirje t\u00eb drejt\u00ebp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb n\u00eb luft\u00eb, ashtu si\u00e7 p\u00ebrcaktohet nga e drejta nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n

Ponderimi i ftoht\u00eb i nj\u00eb ndihme ushtarake t\u00eb vet\u00ebkufizuar komplikohet m\u00eb tej nga vler\u00ebsimi se motivet q\u00eb e kan\u00eb shtyr\u00eb pal\u00ebn ruse n\u00eb nj\u00eb vendim duksh\u00ebm t\u00eb kalkuluar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb gabuar. V\u00ebmendja mbi personin e Putinit ka \u00e7uar n\u00eb spekulime t\u00eb \u00e7frenuara, q\u00eb mediat tona kryesore po e p\u00ebrhapin sot si n\u00eb dit\u00ebt m\u00eb t\u00eb mira t\u00eb sovjetologjis\u00eb spekulative. Imazhi sot mbizot\u00ebrues i Putinit patjet\u00ebr revizionist duhet t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn t\u00eb krahasohet me nj\u00eb vler\u00ebsim t\u00eb ar\u00ebsyesh\u00ebm t\u00eb interesave t\u00eb tij. Edhe sikur Putini t\u00eb besoj\u00eb se shp\u00ebrb\u00ebrja e Bashkimit Sovjetik ka qen\u00eb nj\u00eb gabim i madh, imazhi i vizionarit eksentrik q\u00eb \u2013 me bekimin e Kish\u00ebs Ortodokse Ruse dhe n\u00ebn influenc\u00ebn e ideologut autoritar Alexander Dugin \u2013 shikon restaurimin gradual e Perandoris\u00eb s\u00eb Madhe Ruse si pun\u00ebn e jet\u00ebs s\u00eb tij politikisht v\u00ebshtir\u00eb se mund t\u00eb pasqyroj\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebn mbi karakterin e tij, por mbi baz\u00ebn e projektimeve t\u00eb tilla \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrhapur hipoteza se q\u00ebllimet agresive t\u00eb Putinit shkojn\u00eb p\u00ebrtej Ukrain\u00ebs, Gjeorgjis\u00eb dhe Moldavis\u00eb, m\u00eb pas tek an\u00ebtar\u00ebt NATO t\u00eb shteteve balltike, p\u00ebr t\u2019u shtyr\u00eb, m\u00eb s\u00eb fundi, n\u00eb Ballkan.<\/p>\n

A mund t\u00eb \u201cfitohet\u201d kjo luft\u00eb kund\u00ebr nj\u00eb fuqie b\u00ebrthamore?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Kuadri i personalitetit t\u00eb nj\u00eb nostalgjiku t\u00eb zjarrt\u00eb t\u00eb historis\u00eb i kund\u00ebrvihet nj\u00eb curriculum vitae<\/em> t\u00eb avancimit social dhe karrier\u00ebs s\u00eb nj\u00eb kalkulatori raciona\u00eb t\u00eb st\u00ebrvitur nga KGB. Nj\u00eb njeri amibicioz pushteti q\u00eb kthesa n\u00eb per\u00ebndim t\u00eb Ukrain\u00ebs dhe l\u00ebvizjes rezistenc\u00ebs n\u00eb Bjellorusi e kan\u00eb forcuar n\u00eb shqet\u00ebsimin e tij pre\u00eb protest\u00ebs politike n\u00eb qarqet progresivisht m\u00eb liberale t\u00eb vet\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb ruse. Nga kjo perspektiv\u00eb, agresionet e p\u00ebrs\u00ebritura ruse do t\u00eb kuptoheshin n\u00eb mir\u00eb si p\u00ebrgjigje e frustruar nga refuzimit t\u00eb Per\u00ebndimit p\u00ebr ta negociuar achend\u00ebn gjeopolitike t\u00eb Putinit, sidomos njohja nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare e pushtimeve t\u00eb tij n\u00eb shkelje t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare dhe neutralizimi i nj\u00eb \u201czone kushinet\u00eb\u201d q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshij\u00eb Ukrain\u00ebn. Spektri i k\u00ebtyre dhe spekulime t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb ngjashme nuk b\u00ebn gj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr ve\u00e7se thellon pasigurin\u00eb e nj\u00eb dileme q\u00eb \u201ck\u00ebrkon maturi dhe moderim ekstrem\u201d, si\u00e7 ka konkluduar analiz\u00ebn instruktive Peter Graf Kielmansegg n\u00eb Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung<\/em> t\u00eb 19 prillit 2022.<\/p>\n

Si shpjegohet at\u00ebhere debati i zjarrt\u00eb i brendsh\u00ebm mbi politik\u00ebn e solidaritetit me Ukrain\u00ebn e konfirmuar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebritur nga kancelari Scholz n\u00eb akord me partner\u00ebt e Bashkimit Europian dhe t\u00eb NATO? P\u00ebr t\u2019i sqaruar \u00e7\u00ebshtjet, do t\u00eb l\u00eb menjan\u00eb diskutimet mbi politik\u00ebn e \u00e7tensionimit me nj\u00eb Putin t\u00eb paparashikuesh\u00ebm. Kjo ka pasur sukses deri n\u00eb fundin e Bashkimit Sovjetik dhe m\u00eb tej, por sot ka rezultuar nj\u00eb gabim i pasur me pasoja. N\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjton m\u00ebnyr\u00eb nuk do t\u00eb trajtoj gabimet e qeverive gjermane n\u00eb b\u00ebrjen t\u00eb varura nga importet e gazit rus me \u00e7mim t\u00eb mir\u00eb, edhe n\u00ebn presionin e ekonomis\u00eb. Kujtesa e shkurt\u00ebr e kund\u00ebrshtive t\u00eb sotme do t\u00eb gjykohet nj\u00eb dit\u00eb nga historian\u00ebt.<\/p>\n

Situata \u00ebsht\u00eb e ndryshme n\u00eb debatin, q\u00eb n\u00ebn emrin dometh\u00ebn\u00ebs t\u00eb \u201ckriz\u00ebs s\u00eb re t\u00eb identitetit gjerman\u201d, tashm\u00eb po p\u00ebrballon pasojat e \u201ckthes\u00ebs epokale\u201d, fillimisht e referuar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb kthjell\u00ebt nga Ostpolitika gjermane dhe bilanci i mbrojtjes. Kjo q\u00eb paraqitet \u00ebsht\u00eb anon\u00e7imi i nj\u00eb ndryshimi historik n\u00eb mentalitetin pasluftarak t\u00eb gjerman\u00ebve, e fituar me p\u00ebrpjekjen dhe e denoncuar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebritur nga e djathta. B\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr fundin e nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyre t\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebrit politike n\u00eb Gjermani, n\u00eb radh\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb e bazuar mbi dialogun dhe ruajtjen e paqes.<\/p>\n

Ky lexim fiksohet mbi shembullin e atyre t\u00eb rinjve q\u00eb kan\u00eb qen\u00eb edukuar t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb ndjesh\u00ebm ndaj \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve normative, q\u00eb nuk i fshehin emocionet e tyre dhe jan\u00eb m\u00eb k\u00ebmb\u00ebngul\u00ebs n\u00eb k\u00ebrkimin e nj\u00eb impenjimi m\u00eb t\u00eb fort\u00eb. Japin p\u00ebrshtypjen se realiteti krejt\u00ebsisht i ri i luft\u00ebs i ka zhveshur nga iluzionet paq\u00ebsore t\u00eb tyre. K\u00ebt\u00eb e kujton edhe ministrja e Jashtme [Annalena Baerbock] \u2013 e shnd\u00ebrruar n\u00eb nj\u00eb ikon\u00eb\u2013 q\u00eb qysh nga fillimi i luft\u00ebs, ka dh\u00ebn\u00eb p\u00ebrshtypjen autentike e shokut t\u00eb provuar nga shum\u00eb me gjeste t\u00eb besueshme dhe nj\u00eb retorik\u00eb pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsie.<\/p>\n

Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb se ajo p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson edhe dhembshurin\u00eb dhe impulsin p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndihmuar kaq t\u00eb p\u00ebrhapura n\u00eb popullsin\u00eb ton\u00eb, por ajo i ka dh\u00ebn\u00eb edhe nj\u00eb form\u00eb bind\u00ebse identifikimit spontan me shtytjen fuqimisht moralizuese t\u00eb nj\u00eb lidershipi ukrainas t\u00eb vendosur q\u00eb t\u00eb fitoj\u00eb. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb prekim zemr\u00ebn e konfliktit midis atyre q\u00eb jan\u00eb ngutur me emfaz\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb t\u00eb tyren perspektiv\u00ebn e nj\u00eb kombi q\u00eb lufton p\u00ebr lirin\u00eb, t\u00eb drejtat dhe jet\u00ebn e tij dhe atyre q\u00eb kan\u00eb nxjerr\u00eb nj\u00eb leksion ndryshe nga p\u00ebrvojat e Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb dhe, pik\u00ebrisht si manifestuesit n\u00eb rrug\u00ebt tona, kan\u00eb zhvilluar nj\u00eb mentalitet ndryshe. Disa munden vet\u00ebm t\u00eb imagjinojn\u00eb nj\u00eb luft\u00eb n\u00ebn alternativ\u00ebn e fitores apo t\u00eb humbjes, t\u00eb tjer\u00eb dijn\u00eb se luft\u00ebrat kund\u00ebr nj\u00eb fuqie b\u00ebrthamore nuk mund t\u00eb \u201cfitohen\u201d n\u00eb kuptimin tradicional t\u00eb fjal\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb linja t\u00eb m\u00ebdha, mentalitetet m\u00eb komb\u00ebtare dhe m\u00eb paskomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb popullsive sh\u00ebrbejn\u00eb si sfond ndaj q\u00ebndrimeve t\u00eb ndryshme ndaj luft\u00ebs n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi. Kjo diferenc\u00eb b\u00ebhet e qart\u00eb kur konfronton rezistenc\u00ebn e admiruar heroike dhe vullnetin evident t\u00eb sakrific\u00ebs s\u00eb popullsis\u00eb ukrainase me at\u00eb q\u00eb pritet \u2013 p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsojm\u00eb \u2013 nga popullsit\u00eb \u201ctona\u201d t\u00eb Europ\u00ebs Per\u00ebndimore n\u00eb nj\u00eb situat\u00eb t\u00eb ngjashme. Admirimi yn\u00eb p\u00ebrzihet n\u00eb nj\u00eb befasi t\u00eb caktuar p\u00ebr sigurin\u00eb e fitores dhe kurajon e paprekur n\u00eb luft\u00ebn e ushtar\u00ebve dhe t\u00eb rekrut\u00ebve t\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha moshave, t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktuar p\u00ebr ta mbrojtur atdheun ton\u00eb nga nj\u00eb armik ushtarakisht shum\u00eb m\u00eb superior. Ndryshe, n\u00eb Per\u00ebndim mb\u00ebshtetemi mbi ushtri profesionale, q\u00eb i paguajm\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb sa nuk do t\u00eb na duhet t\u00eb rrokim arm\u00ebt n\u00eb rast nevoje dhe t\u00eb mbrohemi nga ushtarak\u00eb profesionist\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Ky mentalitet pasheroik ka mundur t\u00eb zhvillohet n\u00eb Europ\u00ebn per\u00ebndimore \u2013 n\u00ebse mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsohet akoma \u2013 gjat\u00eb gjysm\u00ebs s\u00eb dyt\u00eb t\u00eb shekullit t\u00eb XX n\u00ebn ombrell\u00ebn atomike t\u00eb Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara. P\u00ebrball\u00eb shkat\u00ebrrimit t\u00eb mundsh\u00ebm t\u00eb nj\u00eb lufte atomike, midis elitave politike dhe shumic\u00ebs d\u00ebrrmuese t\u00eb popullsis\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrhapur ideja se konfliktet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare mund t\u00eb zgidhen thelb\u00ebsisht vet\u00ebm n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet diplomacis\u00eb dhe sanksioneve \u2013 dhe q\u00eb n\u00eb rastin e shp\u00ebrthimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb konflikti ushtarak, lufta duhet ta zgjidhet sa m\u00eb shpejt t\u00eb jet\u00eb e mundur. Duke pasur n\u00eb konsiderat\u00eb rrezikun e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u llogaritur t\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrdorimi t\u00eb arm\u00ebve t\u00eb shkat\u00ebrrimit n\u00eb mas\u00eb, faktikisht ajo nuk mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundohet n\u00eb kuptimin klasik me nj\u00eb fitore apo nj\u00eb humbje. Si\u00e7 ka th\u00ebn\u00eb Alexander Kluge: \u201cNga lufta mund t\u00eb m\u00ebsohet vet\u00ebm si t\u00eb b\u00ebhet paqja\u201d. Kjo pik\u00ebpamje nuk p\u00ebrkthehet domosdoshm\u00ebrisht n\u00eb nj\u00eb pacifiz\u00ebm parimor, dometh\u00ebn\u00eb paqe me \u00e7do \u00e7mim. Orientimi p\u00ebr t\u2019i dh\u00ebn\u00eb fund shkat\u00ebrrimit, vuajtjes njer\u00ebzore dhe decivilizimit, sa m\u00eb shpejt t\u00eb jet\u00eb e mundur, nuk ekuivalentohet me k\u00ebrkes\u00ebn p\u00ebr ta sakrifikuar ekzistenc\u00ebn politikisht t\u00eb lir\u00eb mbi altarin e mbijetes\u00ebs s\u00eb thjesht\u00eb. Skepticizmi kundrejt dhun\u00ebs ushtarake gjen nj\u00eb limit prima facie<\/em> kur konsiderohet \u00e7mimi q\u00eb k\u00ebrkon nj\u00eb jet\u00eb e mbytur nga autoritarizmi \u2013 nj\u00eb ekzistenc\u00eb ku edhe vet\u00ebdija e kontradikt\u00ebs midis normalitetit t\u00eb detyruar dhe jet\u00ebs s\u00eb vet\u00ebvendosur do t\u00eb zhdukej.<\/p>\n

Po shpjegoj konvertimin e ish pacifist\u00ebve tan\u00eb, t\u00eb d\u00ebgjuar nga interpretuesit e djatht\u00eb t\u00eb kthes\u00ebs epokale, si produkti i konfuzionit t\u00eb ktyre dy mentaliteteve bashk\u00ebkohore, por historikisht jo simultane. Ky grup dallues ndan besimin e ukrainasve tel fitorja, por \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb radh\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb i indinjuar p\u00ebr shkeljet e s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Pas Bu\u00e7as, slogani \u201cPutini n\u00eb Hag\u00eb!\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrhapur si era. Kjo sinjalizon vet\u00ebd\u00ebshmin\u00eb e standardeve normative q\u00eb jemi m\u00ebsuar t\u00eb zbatojm\u00eb n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, dometh\u00ebn\u00eb qasjen reale e ndryshimit t\u00eb shpresave korresponduese dhe t\u00eb ndjeshm\u00ebris\u00eb humanitare midis popullsis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb mosh\u00ebn time nuk e fsheh nj\u00eb surpriz\u00eb t\u00eb caktuar: sa thell\u00eb duhet t\u00eb punohet zerreti i vet\u00ebd\u00ebshmive kulturore ku jetojn\u00eb f\u00ebmij\u00ebt dhe nip\u00ebrit tan\u00eb n\u00ebse deri shtypi konservator k\u00ebrkon nd\u00ebrhyrjen e prokuror\u00ebve t\u00eb nj\u00eb Gjykate Penale Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, q\u00eb megjithat\u00eb nuk njihet as nga Rusia e Kina, por edhe as nga Shtetet e Bashkuara? Fatkeq\u00ebsisht, realitete t\u00eb tilla tradh\u00ebtojn\u00eb edhe themelet e nj\u00eb identifikimi t\u00eb apasionuar me akzua morale gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shtr\u00ebnguese me moderimin gjerman. Jo q\u00eb krimineli i luft\u00ebs Putin nuk e meriton t\u00eb d\u00ebrgohet p\u00ebrpara nj\u00eb tribunali t\u00eb till\u00eb; por ai e z\u00eb akoma nj\u00eb vend me pushtet vetoje n\u00eb K\u00ebshillin e Sigurimit t\u00eb Kombeve t\u00eb Bashkuara dhe mund t\u2019i k\u00ebrc\u00ebnoj\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebt e tij me arm\u00eb atomike. N\u00eb p\u00ebrfundim t\u00eb luft\u00ebs ose t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn t\u00eb nj\u00eb arm\u00ebpushimi duhet t\u00eb negociohet ende me t\u00eb. Nuk shikoj asnj\u00eb justifikim bind\u00ebs p\u00ebr k\u00ebrkimin e nj\u00eb politike q\u00eb pavar\u00ebsisht vuajtjet e hidhura dhe gjithnj\u00eb e ta padurueshme t\u00eb viktimave v\u00eb n\u00eb fakt n\u00eb rrezik vendimin, jo m\u00eb pak t\u00eb bazuar, p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos marr\u00eb pjes\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb luft\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Konvertimi i ish pacifist\u00ebve \u00e7on n\u00eb gabime dhe keqkuptime<\/strong><\/p>\n

Aleat\u00ebt nuk duhet t\u00eb akuzojn\u00eb nj\u00ebri tjetrin p\u00ebr mentalitete politike q\u00eb shpjegohen me zhvillime historike t\u00eb ndryshme. Ata duhet t\u00eb pranohen si nj\u00eb e dh\u00ebn\u00eb faktike dhe t\u00eb mbahen parasysh n\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunimin e tyre. Por derikur k\u00ebto diferenca perspektive mbesin n\u00eb sfond shkaktojn\u00eb vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb konkluzion emotiv, si n\u00eb reagimin e parlamentar\u00ebve ndaj apeleve morale t\u00eb presidentit ukrainas n\u00eb video diskutimin e tij n\u00eb Bundestag. B\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb ngat\u00ebrrim midis reagimeve me miratim t\u00eb menj\u00ebhersh\u00ebm, kuptimin i thjesht\u00eb p\u00ebr perspektiv\u00ebn e tjetrit dhe respektit oportun p\u00ebr veten. Err\u00ebsimi i diferencave historikisht t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetura n\u00eb perceptimin dhe n\u00eb interpretimin e luft\u00ebrave nuk \u00e7on vet\u00ebm n\u00eb gabime dometh\u00ebn\u00ebse n\u00eb trajtimin me tjetrin, si n\u00eb rastin e t\u00ebrheqjes s\u00eb papritur t\u00eb ftes\u00ebs drejtuar presidentit gjerman. M\u00eb keq akoma, \u00e7on n\u00eb nj\u00eb moskuptim reciprok t\u00eb asaj q\u00eb tjetri praktikisht mendon dhe d\u00ebshiron.<\/p>\n

Kjo vet\u00ebdije e vendos edhe konvertimin e ish pacifist\u00ebve n\u00eb nj\u00eb drit\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb, pasu si indinjata, ashti edhe tmerri dhe dhembshuria, q\u00eb formojn\u00eb sfondin motivues n\u00eb rrethin e ngusht\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebrkesave t\u00eb tyre, nuk shpjegohen si nj\u00eb refuzim i orientimeve normative q\u00eb t\u00eb ashtuquajturit realist\u00eb kan\u00eb p\u00ebrqeshur gjithmon\u00eb. M\u00eb shum\u00eb, ata burojn\u00eb nga nj\u00eb lexim tejet p\u00ebrshkrues i k\u00ebtyre parimeve. Nuk jan\u00eb konvertuar n\u00eb realist\u00eb, por jan\u00eb letrarisht t\u00eb hedhur n\u00eb realiz\u00ebm. Sigurisht, nuk mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb gjykime morale pa ndjenja morale, por gjykimi p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsues korrigj nga ana e tij gam\u00ebn e kufizuar t\u00eb emocioneve t\u00eb stimuluara nga af\u00ebrsia. N\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb rast\u00ebsi q\u00eb autor\u00ebt e \u201ckthes\u00ebs epokale\u201d jan\u00eb ata eksponent\u00eb t\u00eb majt\u00eb dhe t\u00eb liberal\u00ebve q\u00eb \u2013 prball\u00eb nj\u00eb konstelacioni fuqish\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha drastikisht e ndryshua dhe n\u00eb hijen e paqart\u00ebsive transatlantike \u2013 duan t\u00eb veprojn\u00eb seriozisht n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje t\u00eb nj\u00eb vet\u00ebdijeje t\u00eb pritur prej koh\u00ebsh, dometh\u00ebn\u00eb se nj Bashkim Europian nuk jo gatsh\u00ebm ta shoh\u00eb stilin e tij t\u00eb jet\u00ebs sociale dhe politike t\u00eb destabilizuar nga jasht\u00eb apo t\u00eb minuar nga brenda do t\u00eb b\u00ebhet politikisht i aft\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb veproj\u00eb edhe vet\u00ebm n\u00ebse do t\u00eb arrij\u00eb t\u00eb q\u00ebndroj\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebmb\u00eb i vet\u00ebm ushtarakisht. Rizgjedhja e Macron ofron nj\u00eb shtyrje t\u00eb m\u00ebtejshme, por fillimisht duhet t\u00eb gjejm\u00eb nj\u00eb dalje konstruktive nga dilema jon\u00eb. Kjo shpres\u00ebl pasqyrohet n\u00eb formulimin e matur t\u00eb objektivit se Ukraina nuk mund ta humbas\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb luft\u00eb.<\/p>\n

(nga S\u00fcddeutsche Zeitung<\/a><\/em>)<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrgatiti<\/strong><\/p>\n

ARMIN TIRANA<\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Ekskluzive \u2013 J\u00fcrgen Habermas mbi p\u00ebrgjigjen ndaj pushtimit t\u00eb Ukrain\u00ebs 77 vite pas mbarimit t\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore dhe 33 pas p\u00ebrfundimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb paqeje t\u00eb mbrojtur me ekuilibrin e terrorit, edhe pse vet\u00ebm t\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnuar, jan\u00eb kthyer n\u00eb dyert tona imazhet trondit\u00ebse t\u00eb nj\u00eb lufte t\u00eb shp\u00ebrthyer abritrarisht nga Rusia. Si kurr\u00eb m\u00eb …<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":18038,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"om_disable_all_campaigns":false,"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[42],"tags":[],"aioseo_notices":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/18027"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=18027"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/18027\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/18038"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=18027"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=18027"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=18027"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}