{"id":15243,"date":"2022-06-17T08:02:14","date_gmt":"2022-06-17T08:02:14","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/?p=15243"},"modified":"2022-06-17T08:05:01","modified_gmt":"2022-06-17T08:05:01","slug":"enigma-e-pamundur-roli-i-faktorit-etnik-per-zgjidhje-te-konflikteve-ballkanike","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/2022\/06\/17\/enigma-e-pamundur-roli-i-faktorit-etnik-per-zgjidhje-te-konflikteve-ballkanike\/","title":{"rendered":"Enigma e pamundur! Roli i faktorit etnik p\u00ebr zgjidhje t\u00eb konflikteve ballkanike"},"content":{"rendered":"

Enigma e pamundur. Roli i faktorit etnik n\u00eb propozimet e fundit p\u00ebr zgjidhje t\u00eb konflikteve ballkanike<\/strong><\/p>\n

Aseti politik i Ballkanit b\u00ebhet periodikisht objekt i v\u00ebmendjes s\u00eb mediave nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare dhe i propozimeve p\u00ebr t\u2019i dh\u00ebn\u00eb fund \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve t\u00eb pazgjidhura q\u00eb i karakterizojn\u00eb. Elementi q\u00eb nganj\u00ebher\u00eb i b\u00ebn t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta konsiston n\u00eb zgjedhjen e kriterit etnik p\u00ebr t\u00eb rip\u00ebrcaktuar kufijt\u00eb. Rastet e Bosnj\u00ebs dhe Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Shk\u00ebmbimi i territoreve dhe retifikimit t\u00eb kufijve: rruga p\u00ebr pajtimin?<\/strong><\/p>\n

2018 sh\u00ebnoi nj\u00eb faze optimizmi t\u00eb moderuar p\u00ebr Ballkanin. N\u00eb zgjidhjen e konfliktit t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb midis Greqis\u00eb dhe Maqedonis\u00eb s\u00eb Veriut, e vulosur me firmosjen e marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb Presp\u00ebs, ju shtua fillimi negociatave midis Serbis\u00eb dhe Kosov\u00ebs p\u00ebr normalizimin e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve midis Beogradit dhe republik\u00ebs s\u00eb vog\u00ebl t\u00eb vet\u00ebshpallur t\u00eb pavarur n\u00eb 2008. Presidenti serb Aleksandar Vu\u00e7i\u00e7 dhe homologu i tij kosovar Hashim Tha\u00e7i qen\u00eb idhtar\u00ebt e traktativave, me mb\u00ebshtetjen e administrat\u00ebs amerikane t\u00eb presidentit t\u00eb at\u00ebhersh\u00ebm Donald Trump; t\u00eb dy njoftuan vullnetin p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur n\u00eb nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje gjat\u00eb nj\u00eb paneli t\u00eb mbajtur n\u00eb Alpbach t\u00eb Austris\u00eb n\u00eb gushtin e 2018.<\/p>\n

Marr\u00ebveshja e mundshme mori form\u00ebn e nj\u00eb shk\u00ebmbimi t\u00eb territoreve mbi baz\u00ebn e shp\u00ebrndarjes etnike: Serbia do t\u00eb mbante zon\u00ebn e Kosov\u00ebs veriore, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb komun\u00ebn e Mitrovic\u00ebs s\u00eb Veriut, ku popullsia serbe p\u00ebrb\u00ebn shumic\u00ebn, nd\u00ebrsa Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs do t\u2019i cedohej territori i Lugin\u00ebs s\u00eb Preshev\u00ebs, nj\u00eb rajon i Serbis\u00eb jugore i banuar mbi t\u00eb gjitha nga shqiptar\u00eb. Shk\u00ebmbimi i territoreve do t\u00eb ishte pjes\u00eb e nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjeje m\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithshme n\u00eb virtyt t\u00eb s\u00eb cil\u00ebs Serbia dhe Kosova do t\u00eb normalizonin marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet bilaterale dhe Beogradi do t\u00eb njihte pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb e atij q\u00eb e konsideron akoma sot si nj\u00eb territor q\u00eb i p\u00ebrket atij.<\/p>\n

Dialogu nuk rezultoi aq i thejsht\u00eb sa p\u00ebr t\u2019u \u00e7uar p\u00ebrpara, n\u00eb drit\u00ebn e tensioneve periodike midis Beogradit dhe Prishtin\u00ebs dhe kund\u00ebrshtimi i kryeministrit t\u00eb at\u00ebhersh\u00ebm kosovar Ramush Haradinaj, por shpejt u shfaq n\u00eb \u00e7do rast sesi element\u00eb t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm do t\u00eb b\u00ebnin kompleks konkluzionin e nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjeje: shp\u00ebrndarja jouniforme e popullsis\u00eb serbe n\u00eb territorin kosovar (nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme e k\u00ebsaj do t\u00eb mbetej n\u00eb fakt n\u00eb territor n\u00ebn kontrollin e Prishtin\u00ebs), por edhe statusin e Liqenit t\u00eb Gazivod\u00ebs (dhe e centralit elektrik i pranish\u00ebm aty), si edhe t\u00eb minierave t\u00eb Trep\u00e7\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Mbi t\u00eb gjitha, u regjistrua ftoht\u00ebsia me t\u00eb cil\u00ebn u prit n\u00eb kryeqytetet europiane plani i retifikimit t\u00eb kufijve, nj\u00eb q\u00ebndrim q\u00eb pati t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb n\u00eb ve\u00e7anti me kancelaren e at\u00ebhershme gjermane Angela Merkel. Faktikisht, nga shum\u00eb pal\u00eb u shpreh frika e nj\u00eb zgjidhjeje konsistente n\u00eb nj\u00eb modifikim t\u00eb kufijve, e mb\u00ebshtetur sidomos mbi nj\u00eb kriter etnik, pasi kjo do t\u00eb n\u00ebnkuptonte Kutin\u00eb e Pandor\u00ebs dhe t\u2019i hapte rrug\u00ebn instancave t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb shumta analoge n\u00eb rajon, me rrezikun q\u00eb ta zhyste Ballkanin n\u00eb nj\u00eb faz\u00eb t\u00eb re paq\u00ebndrueshm\u00ebrie.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb ide e p\u00ebrs\u00ebritur: \u201cnon-paper\u201d i 2021<\/strong><\/p>\n

Qysh at\u00ebhere, marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet midis Serbis\u00eb dhe Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb fakt jan\u00eb ftohur, duke e larguar perspektiv\u00ebn e nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjeje: k\u00ebt\u00eb e ka pasuar nj\u00eb seri faktesh, nga vendimi i Prishtin\u00ebs n\u00eb fundin e 2018 p\u00ebr t\u2019u pajisur me nj\u00eb ushtri n\u00eb kuptimin e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb t\u00eb fjal\u00ebs deri n\u00eb kriz\u00ebn e fundit t\u00eb targave dhe me protestat e serb\u00ebve t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs q\u00eb kan\u00eb tivendikuar mund\u00ebsin\u00eb e votimit p\u00ebr zgjedhjet e p\u00ebrgjithshme serbe t\u00eb mbajtura m\u00eb 3 prill. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst, t\u00eb karakterizuar edhe nga shqet\u00ebsimet n\u00eb rritje rreth situat\u00ebs n\u00eb Bosnje \u2013 Hercegovin\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb verifikuar n\u00eb pranver\u00ebn e 2021 nj\u00eb zhvillim i bujsh\u00ebm: n\u00eb muajin prill, nj\u00eb raport anonim ku hipotezohej nj\u00eb modifikim komplesiv t\u00eb asetit t\u00eb Ballkanit \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrhapur jo vet\u00ebm nga mediat e disa vendeve t\u00eb zon\u00ebs, por ka p\u00ebrfunduar edhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb qarkulluar n\u00eb tavolinat e institucioneve europiane.<\/p>\n

Raporti n\u00eb fjal\u00eb propozonte t\u00eb zgjidheshin \u00e7\u00ebshtjet ende t\u00eb pazgjidhura n\u00eb rajon n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet nj\u00eb serie modifikimesh t\u00eb kufijve mbi baz\u00ebn e p\u00ebrb\u00ebrjes etnike t\u00eb territoreve t\u00eb ndryshme: p\u00ebr shembull, Kroacia dhe Serbia do t\u00eb inkorporonin zonat e Bosnjes \u2013 Hercegovin\u00ebs q\u00eb p\u00ebrmbajn\u00eb popullsit\u00eb respektive, por duke l\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb fatin e tyre boshnjak\u00ebt mysliman\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa Republika e Kosov\u00ebs do t\u00eb ndahej midis Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb dhe Serbis\u00eb p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb nj\u00eb vije t\u00eb dizajnuar me nj\u00eb kriter analog me projektin e 2018. Risi t\u00eb m\u00ebtejshme do t\u00eb kishin t\u00eb b\u00ebnin me Maqedonin\u00eb e Veriut dhe n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb zonat e saj me shumic\u00eb shqiptare, p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebn raporti tregonte edhe n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast kalimin n\u00ebn sovranitetin e Tiran\u00ebs. \u201cNon-paper\u201d, origjina e t\u00eb cilit nga disa q\u00eb t\u00eb \u00e7onte tek kryeministri slloven Janez Jansha, ka gjeneruar shqet\u00ebsim n\u00eb institucionet europiane dhe ka ngjallur bezdi n\u00eb Ballkan, ku propozimi \u00ebsht\u00eb konsideruar n\u00eb thelb si e rrezikshme p\u00ebr stabilitetin e zon\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Bosnje \u2013 Hercegovina, nj\u00eb ngrehin\u00eb e brisht\u00eb<\/strong><\/p>\n

Situata n\u00eb Bosnje \u2013 Hercegovin\u00eb ka t\u00ebrhequr v\u00ebmendjen e mediave dhe v\u00ebzhguesve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb n\u00eb drit\u00ebn e qasjes s\u00eb Milorad Dodikut, p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues serb n\u00eb presidenc\u00ebn tripal\u00ebshe t\u00eb Bosnjes dhe ish president i Republik\u00ebs Srpska, i cili \u00ebsht\u00eb akuzuar nga shum\u00eb pal\u00eb se po nxit tensionet shk\u00ebput\u00ebse q\u00eb karakterizojn\u00eb vendin. N\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb ka ngjallur preokupim vendimi i parlamentit t\u00eb Republik\u00ebs Srpska t\u00eb dhjetorit 2021, n\u00eb virtyt t\u00eb s\u00eb cil\u00ebs mund t\u00eb kalojn\u00eb n\u00eb Banja Luka nj\u00eb seri prerogativash dhe funksionesh n\u00eb momentin e kompensimit t\u00eb shtetit qendror, sidomos n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e mbrojtjes, tatimeve dhe drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb. Nj\u00eb l\u00ebvizje e till\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb konsideruar me preokupim sidomos nga ana e vendeve per\u00ebndimore, t\u00eb cilat e kan\u00eb quajtur si nj\u00eb hap prapa t\u00eb prirur p\u00ebr t\u00eb dob\u00ebsuar q\u00ebnien e Bosnje \u2013 Hercegovin\u00ebs. Megjithat\u00eb, Dodiku mund t\u00eb g\u00ebzoj\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetjen e Federat\u00ebs Ruse, n\u00eb kontekstin e dinamikave q\u00eb aktualisht karakterizojn\u00eb zon\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Edhe n\u00eb drit\u00ebn e kronikave t\u00eb muajve t\u00eb fundit, Bosnje \u2013 Hercegovina konsiderohet si nj\u00eb zon\u00eb ku rreziku i nj\u00eb ndarjeje t\u00eb shtetit sipas linjave t\u00eb fragmentimit etnik rezulton se \u00ebsht\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonisht i bazuar.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb horizont i paqart\u00eb<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00c7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb pazgjidhura, ngrehina shtet\u00ebrore t\u00eb brishta dhe nj\u00eb rrug\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonisht e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb drejt objektivit t\u00eb integrimit europian: n\u00eb nj\u00eb kuad\u00ebr ku perspektivat e rajonit ballkanik mbesin t\u00eb paqarta, ideja e retifikimit t\u00eb kufijve mbi baza etnike nganj\u00ebher\u00eb vendoset mbi tavolin\u00eb si nga ana e politikan\u00eb nacionalist\u00eb t\u00eb d\u00ebshiruesh\u00ebm q\u00eb t\u00eb tejkalojn\u00eb nj\u00eb statuskuo e konsideruar si e padrejt\u00eb dhe e shkaktuar nga vullneti i aktor\u00ebve t\u00eb huaj, si n\u00eb aspektin e projekteve q\u00eb propozojn\u00eb t\u00eb zgjidhin n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb problemet e v\u00ebshtira t\u00eb zon\u00ebs, duke i hapur rrug\u00ebn drejt nj\u00eb faze stabiliteti m\u00eb t\u00eb madh. V\u00ebshtir\u00ebsi teknike, shp\u00ebrndarje johomogjene t\u00eb popullsive dhe, sidomos, rreziku q\u00eb tejkalimi i kufijve q\u00eb rezultojn\u00eb nga shp\u00ebrb\u00ebrja e Jugosllavis\u00eb i hap rrug\u00ebn nj\u00eb serie rivendikimesh t\u00eb m\u00ebtejshme, por q\u00eb do t\u00eb \u00e7onin n\u00eb nj\u00eb skenar shum\u00eb t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm. N\u00ebse mund\u00ebsia e ndjekjes t\u00eb nj\u00eb kompakt\u00ebsie m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe etnike e entiteteve politike ekzistuese p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson n\u00eb dukje nj\u00eb rrug\u00eb komode dhe leht\u00ebsuese p\u00ebr t\u2019i tejkaluar problematikat aktuale, por element\u00ebt e sip\u00ebrcituar p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb t\u00eb panjohura p\u00ebr t\u2019u mbajtur n\u00eb konsiderat\u00eb.<\/p>\n

(nga Geopolitica<\/em>)<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrgatiti<\/strong><\/p>\n

ARMIN TIRANA<\/strong><\/p>\n

\"\"<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Enigma e pamundur. Roli i faktorit etnik n\u00eb propozimet e fundit p\u00ebr zgjidhje t\u00eb konflikteve ballkanike Aseti politik i Ballkanit b\u00ebhet periodikisht objekt i v\u00ebmendjes s\u00eb mediave nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare dhe i propozimeve p\u00ebr t\u2019i dh\u00ebn\u00eb fund \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve t\u00eb pazgjidhura q\u00eb i karakterizojn\u00eb. Elementi q\u00eb nganj\u00ebher\u00eb i b\u00ebn t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta konsiston n\u00eb zgjedhjen e kriterit etnik p\u00ebr …<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":15244,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"om_disable_all_campaigns":false,"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[38],"tags":[],"aioseo_notices":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/15243"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=15243"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/15243\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/15244"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=15243"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=15243"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/foltore.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=15243"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}